w****n
发帖数: 25644 | 1 【 以下文字转载自 ChinaNews 讨论区 】
发信人: wyiqin (QQ), 信区: ChinaNews
标 题: 马克思与中国鸦片（转）
发信站: BBS 未名空间站 (Sun Jul 22 18:10:18 2012, 美东)
卡尔·马克思，30 岁时从德国移民到英国。第一次鸦片战争爆发后，马克思赞美鸦片
战争把中国投入大混乱状态，声称英国是在推进中国文明。他为英国强迫中国吸毒一事
辩护道： “看来，历史要先让这些人民全部染上毒瘾，然后才能让他们从世袭的愚蠢
中醒来。”他甚至辩称，中国人有一种对鸦片的爱好 | x******g
发帖数: 33885 | 2 哦，你开始黑马了？
【在 w****n 的大作中提到】
: 【 以下文字转载自 ChinaNews 讨论区 】
: 发信人: wyiqin (QQ), 信区: ChinaNews
: 标 题: 马克思与中国鸦片（转）
: 发信站: BBS 未名空间站 (Sun Jul 22 18:10:18 2012, 美东)
: 卡尔·马克思，30 岁时从德国移民到英国。第一次鸦片战争爆发后，马克思赞美鸦片
: 战争把中国投入大混乱状态，声称英国是在推进中国文明。他为英国强迫中国吸毒一事
: 辩护道： “看来，历史要先让这些人民全部染上毒瘾，然后才能让他们从世袭的愚蠢
: 中醒来。”他甚至辩称，中国人有一种对鸦片的爱好
| w****n
发帖数: 25644 | 3 发信人: siliq
标 题: Re: 马克思与中国鸦片
发信站:(2012/07/22 18:24:30 EST)
感谢楼主的材料。
我在网上做了一做research，以下是英文原文。
http://american_almanac.tripod.com/opium.htm
Karl Marx Defends British Opium War
Even more explicit is Marx's defense of Britain's first Opium War. Amidst
much bravado about the potential for world revolution, Marx praised the
Opium War for throwing China into chaos. He claimed that Britain was
advancing civilization in China, by destroying China's old culture, and
opening up China to the international economy. He even reported, approvingly
, that British policies were causing such unemployment in China, that
displaced Chinese workers were being used as slave labor throughout the
world.
如此看来，马克思，或者说“正统”的共产主义理论，也是反民族的。民族利益是试金
石，什么样的可取，什么样的不可取，一试便知。考虑到马克思本人也是一个犹太，这
么说并不奇怪。犹太人天生视自己为上帝的后代，比其它族高人一等。 | w****n
发帖数: 25644 | | j*********n
发帖数: 4116 | 5 ........................
★ 发自iPhone App: ChineseWeb 7.3
【在 w****n 的大作中提到】
: 1
| y***u
发帖数: 7039 | | w****n
发帖数: 25644 | 7 所以说土工就是外来政权，是马克思派来妄想毁灭中华民族的
【在 j*********n 的大作中提到】
: ........................
:
: ★ 发自iPhone App: ChineseWeb 7.3
| a****s
发帖数: 3077 | 8 牛B.
lz 整个文集吧
【在 w****n 的大作中提到】
: 所以说土工就是外来政权，是马克思派来妄想毁灭中华民族的
| w****n
发帖数: 25644 | | H****g
发帖数: 14447 | 10 真能扯淡。下面就是马克思谈鸦片战争的文章，请你找出那一句能对应上你帖子里的文
字？
Trade or Opium?
By Karl Marx
September 20, 1858
THE NEWS of the new treaty wrung from China by the allied Plenipotentiaries
has, it would appear, conjured up the same wild vistas of an immense
extension of trade which danced before the eyes of the commercial mind in
1845, after the conclusion of the first Chinese war. Supposing the
Petersburg wires to have spoken truth, is it quite certain that an increase
of the Chinese trade must follow upon the multiplication of its emporiums?
Is there any probability that the war Of 1857-8 will lead to more splendid
results than the war of 1839-42? So much is certain that the Treaty Of 1842,
instead of increasing American and English exports to China, proved
instrumental only in precipitating and aggravating the commercial crisis of
1847. In a similar way, by raising dreams of an inexhaustible market and by
fostering false speculations, the present treaty may help preparing a new
crisis at the very moment when the market of the world is but slowly
recovering from the recent universal shock. Besides its negative result, the
first opium-war succeeded in stimulating the opium trade at the expense of
legitimate commerce, and so will this second opium-war do if England be not
forced by the general pressure of the civilized world to abandon the
compulsory opium cultivation in India and the armed opium propaganda to
China. We forbear dwelling on the morality of that trade, described by
Montgomery Martin, himself an Englishman, in the following terms:
"Why, the 'slave trade' was merciful compared with the 'opium trade'. We did
not destroy the bodies of the Africans, for it was our immediate interest
to keep them alive; we did not debase their natures, corrupt their minds,
nor destroy their souls. But the opium seller slays the body after he has
corrupted, degraded and annihilated the moral being of unhappy sinners,
while, every hour is bringing new victims to a Moloch which knows no satiety
, and where the English murderer and Chinese suicide vie with each other in
offerings at his shrine."
The Chinese cannot take both goods and drug; under actual circumstances,
extension of the Chinese trade resolves into extension of the opium trade;
the growth of the latter is incompatible with the development of legitimate
commerce these propositions were pretty generally admitted two years ago. A
Committee of the House of Commons, appointed in 1847 to take into
consideration the state of British commercial intercourse with China,
reported thus:
We regret "that the trade with that country has been for some time in a very
unsatisfactory condition, and that the result of our extended intercourse
has by no means realized the just expectations which had naturally been
founded on a freer access to so magnificent a market.... We find that the
difficulties of the trade do not arise from any want of demand in China for
articles of British manufacture or from the increasing competition of other
nations.... The payment for opium ... absorbs the silver to the great
inconvenience of the general traffic of the Chinese; and tea and silk must
in fact absorb the rest."
The Friend of China, Of July 28, I 849, generalizing the same proposition,
says in set terms:
"The opium trade progresses steadily. The increased consumption of teas and
silk in Great Britain and the United States would merely result in the
increase of the opium trade; the case of the manufacturers is hopeless."
One of the leading American merchants in China reduced, in an article
inserted in Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, for January, 1850, the whole
question of the trade with China to this point: "Which branch of commerce is
to be suppressed, the opium trade or the export trade of American or
English produce?" The Chinese themselves took exactly the same view of the
case. Montgomery Martin narrates: "I inquired of the Taoutai at Shanghai
which would be the best means of increasing our commerce with China, and his
first answer to me, in the presence of Capt. Balfour, Her Majesty's Consul,
was: 'Cease to send us so much opium, and we will be able to take your
manufactures.'"
The history of general commerce during the last eight years has, in a new
and striking manner, illustrated these positions; but, before analysing the
deleterious effects on legitimate commerce of the opium trade, we propose
giving a short review of the rise and progress of that stupendous traffic
which, whether we regard the tragical collisions forming, so to say, the
axis round which it turns, or the effects produced by it on the general
relations of the Eastern and Western worlds, stands solitary on record in
the annals of mankind. Previous to 1767 the quantity of opium exported from
India did not exceed 200 chests, the chest weighing about 133lbs. Opium was
legally admitted in China on the payment of a duty of about $3 per chest, as
a medicine; the Portuguese, who brought it from Turkey, being its almost
exclusive importers into the Celestial Empire. In I773, Colonel Watson and
Vice-President Wheeler — persons deserving to take a place among the
Hermentiers, Palmers and other poisoners of world-wide fame — suggested to
the East India Company the idea of entering upon the opium traffic with
China. Consequently, there was established a depot for opium in vessels
anchored in a bay to the southwest of Macao. The speculation proved a
failure. In 1781 the Bengal Government sent an armed vessel, laden with
opium, to China; and, in I794, the Company stationed a large opium vessel at
Whampoa, the anchorage for the port of Canton. It seems that Whampoa proved
a more convenient depot than Macao, because, only two years after its
selection, the Chinese Government found it necessary to pass a law which
threatened Chinese smugglers of opium to be beaten with a bamboo and exposed
in the streets with wooden collars around their necks. About 1798, the East
India Company ceased to be direct exporters of opium, but they became its
producers. The opium monopoly was established in India; while the Company's
own ships were hypocritically forbidden from trafficking in the drug, the
licences it granted for private ships trading to China containing a
provision which attached a penalty to them if freighted with opium of other
than the Company's own make. In 1800, the import into China had reached the
number of 2,000 chests. Having, during the eighteenth century, borne the
aspect common to all feuds between the foreign merchant and the national
custom-house, the struggle between the East India Company and the Celestial
Empire assumed, since the beginning of the nineteenth century, features
quite distinct and exceptional; while the Chinese Emperor, in order to check
the suicide of his people, prohibited at once the import of the poison by
the foreigner, and its consumption by the natives, the East India Company
was rapidly converting the cultivation of opium in India, and its contraband
sale to China, into internal parts of its own financial system.
While the semi-barbarian stood on the principle of morality, the civilized
opposed to him the principle of self. That a giant empire, containing almost
one-third of the human race, vegetating in the teeth of time, insulated by
the forced exclusion of general intercourse, and thus contriving to dupe
itself with delusions of Celestial perfection-that such an empire should at
last be overtaken by fate on [the] occasion of a deadly duel, in which the
representative of the antiquated world appears prompted by ethical motives,
while the representative of overwhelming modern society fights for the
privilege of buying in the cheapest and selling in the dearest markets-this,
indeed, is a sort of tragical couplet stranger than any poet would ever
have dared to fancy.
【在 w****n 的大作中提到】
: 1
| | | x******g
发帖数: 33885 | | w****n
发帖数: 25644 | 12 卡尔·马克思在１８５３七月２２日 纽约每日论坛报的一篇文章中写道：
“无论他们认为是什么社会、宗教、朝代、或国家形态的原因，导致了中国过往十
年来的慢性反抗，以及现在聚为一体的强大变革，这个暴动的发生，无疑得益于英国的
大炮将一种名叫鸦片的催眠药品强加给中国。在英国的武力面前，满清王朝的权威倒下
成为碎片；天朝永恒的迷信破碎了；与文明世界隔绝的野蛮和密封被侵犯了；而开放则
达成了，这才有了在加州和澳洲黄金吸引下急速开展的交流活动（指中国奴工被“卖猪
仔”到外国采金矿）。与此同时，大英帝国的生命血液 --- 银币，便开始被吸取到英
属东印度了。
Karl Marx wrote in a July 22, 1853 article in the New York Daily Tribune:
"Whatever be the social causes, and whatever religious, dynastic, or
national shape they may assume, that have brought about the chronic
rebellions subsisting in China for about ten years past, and now gathered
together in one formidable revolution, the occasion of this outbreak has
unquestionably been afforded by the English cannon forcing upon China that
soporific drug called opium. Before the British arms the authority of the
Manchu dynasty fell to pieces; the superstitious faith in the Eternity of
the Celestial Empire broke down; the barbarous and hermetic isolation from
the civilized world was infringed; and an opening was made for that
intercourse which has since proceeded so rapidly under the golden
attractions of California and Australia. At the same time the silver coin of
the Empire, its life-blood, began to be drained away to the British East
Indies.'' | j*********n
发帖数: 4116 | 13 so？
★ 发自iPhone App: ChineseWeb 7.3
【在 w****n 的大作中提到】
: 卡尔·马克思在１８５３七月２２日 纽约每日论坛报的一篇文章中写道：
: “无论他们认为是什么社会、宗教、朝代、或国家形态的原因，导致了中国过往十
: 年来的慢性反抗，以及现在聚为一体的强大变革，这个暴动的发生，无疑得益于英国的
: 大炮将一种名叫鸦片的催眠药品强加给中国。在英国的武力面前，满清王朝的权威倒下
: 成为碎片；天朝永恒的迷信破碎了；与文明世界隔绝的野蛮和密封被侵犯了；而开放则
: 达成了，这才有了在加州和澳洲黄金吸引下急速开展的交流活动（指中国奴工被“卖猪
: 仔”到外国采金矿）。与此同时，大英帝国的生命血液 --- 银币，便开始被吸取到英
: 属东印度了。
: Karl Marx wrote in a July 22, 1853 article in the New York Daily Tribune:
: "Whatever be the social causes, and whatever religious, dynastic, or
| w****n
发帖数: 25644 | 14 你也很能扯淡，嗯
Plenipotentiaries
increase
【在 H****g 的大作中提到】
: 真能扯淡。下面就是马克思谈鸦片战争的文章，请你找出那一句能对应上你帖子里的文
: 字？
: Trade or Opium?
: By Karl Marx
: September 20, 1858
: THE NEWS of the new treaty wrung from China by the allied Plenipotentiaries
: has, it would appear, conjured up the same wild vistas of an immense
: extension of trade which danced before the eyes of the commercial mind in
: 1845, after the conclusion of the first Chinese war. Supposing the
: Petersburg wires to have spoken truth, is it quite certain that an increase
| x******g
发帖数: 33885 | 15 马克思说得没错啊：英国佬卖鸦片抢银元。
【在 w****n 的大作中提到】
: 卡尔·马克思在１８５３七月２２日 纽约每日论坛报的一篇文章中写道：
: “无论他们认为是什么社会、宗教、朝代、或国家形态的原因，导致了中国过往十
: 年来的慢性反抗，以及现在聚为一体的强大变革，这个暴动的发生，无疑得益于英国的
: 大炮将一种名叫鸦片的催眠药品强加给中国。在英国的武力面前，满清王朝的权威倒下
: 成为碎片；天朝永恒的迷信破碎了；与文明世界隔绝的野蛮和密封被侵犯了；而开放则
: 达成了，这才有了在加州和澳洲黄金吸引下急速开展的交流活动（指中国奴工被“卖猪
: 仔”到外国采金矿）。与此同时，大英帝国的生命血液 --- 银币，便开始被吸取到英
: 属东印度了。
: Karl Marx wrote in a July 22, 1853 article in the New York Daily Tribune:
: "Whatever be the social causes, and whatever religious, dynastic, or
| H****g
发帖数: 14447 | 16 你看懂你贴的那段英文什么意思了吗？或者是抽自己脸玩？
【在 w****n 的大作中提到】
: 你也很能扯淡，嗯
:
: Plenipotentiaries
: increase
| x******g
发帖数: 33885 | 17 那轮子是个白痴。
【在 H****g 的大作中提到】
: 你看懂你贴的那段英文什么意思了吗？或者是抽自己脸玩？
| w****n
发帖数: 25644 | 18 马克思认为应该用鸦片敲打中国人，这样才能让他们觉醒，嗯
【在 j*********n 的大作中提到】
: so？
:
: ★ 发自iPhone App: ChineseWeb 7.3
| w****n
发帖数: 25644 | 19 马克思说这是应该的，嗯
【在 x******g 的大作中提到】
: 马克思说得没错啊：英国佬卖鸦片抢银元。
| w****n
发帖数: 25644 | 20 我知道你看懂了，所以是应该的，你使劲用文革来抽
【在 H****g 的大作中提到】
: 你看懂你贴的那段英文什么意思了吗？或者是抽自己脸玩？
| | | w****n
发帖数: 25644 | 21 在当时的英国，主流民众狂热地支持第一次鸦片战争（而对于第二次鸦片战争则有游行
示威反对），作为此等种族主义的反映，马克思为英国强迫中国吸毒一事辩护道：
“看来，历史要先让这些人民全部染上毒瘾，然后才能让他们从世袭的愚蠢中醒来
。”
Reflecting the racism which dominated England, where the majority of the
population enthusiastically supported the first Opium War (there were
popular demonstrations against the second Opium War), Marx defends the
British-forced addiction of China:
"It would seem as though history had first to make this whole people
drunk before it could rouse them out of their hereditary stupidity.'' | H****g
发帖数: 14447 | 22 你没必要满地打滚啊。只需要把你主贴里的原文贴出来就可以抽我的脸。也就是下面这
段话的原文。
马克思赞美鸦片战争把中国投入大混乱状态，”声称英国是在推进中国文明“。
他为英国强迫中国吸毒一事辩护道： “看来，历史要先让这些人民全部染上毒瘾，然
后才能让他们从世袭的愚蠢中醒来。”他甚至辩称，中国人有一种对鸦片的爱好。 | a****s
发帖数: 3077 | 23 南泥湾种卖鸦片记实——谢觉哉的日记
发布者：刘震 发表日期：2006-03-08 15:42:41.89
三十年代，中共红军南泥湾种卖鸦片，此事中共高官谢觉哉的日记里有。塔斯社记者、
莫斯科驻延安的特派员彼得。弗拉基米若夫尤在他的《延安日记》里对它有彻底的揭露
。专门的研究文章可看陈永发教授的《红太阳下的罂粟花：鸦片贸易与延安模式》。其
实鸦片交易更早前就开始了，哈里森。索尔兹伯里在《长征－前所未闻的故事〉里讲过
“有的红军战士回忆说，他们曾用鸦片当作货币去购买生活必需品。”摘录一些：
彼得在他的《延安日记》里这样写道：“到处在做非法的鸦片交易。例如，在茶陵，远
在后方的一二零师部，拨出一间房子来加工原料，制成鸦片后就从这里运往市场…政治
局已经任命任弼时为鸦片问题专员。因为当尤任问及毛泽东“特区的农民往往由于非法
买卖鸦片受到惩办，而现在甚至是共产党领导的军队与机关也在公开地生产鸦片－－这
到底是怎么一回事？”
毛泽东没有吭声。邓发代毛泽东回答说：“从前特区只是把盐和碱运往国统区。我们一
挂挂大车满载著盐出去，带回来的钱袋却是瘪的，而且还只有一个钱袋！现在我们送出
去一袋鸦片，就能够带回满满的一车钱。我们就用这些钱向国民党买武器，回头再用这
些武器来收拾他们！”…
中共政治局甚至批准，要加强发展公营的鸦片生产和贸易…要在一年内为中央政府所辖
的各省的市场（叫作对外市场）至少提供一百二十万两的鸦片…
鸦片的事情，就是说罂粟的种植与加工，大部分将由部队来做管。贺龙的一二零师所在
地是最主要的提供鸦片的地区（这个师已长期做这项生意）…
毛泽东同志认为，种植、加工和出售鸦片不是件太好的事情。可是，毛泽东同志说，在
目前形势下，鸦片是要起打先锋的、革命的作用，忽视这点就错了，政治局一致支持中
共中央主席的看法。”
此外，彼得还说道：“解放区出现了一片怪现象。中共的部队同样也出现了这种怪现象
。他们全部在尽可能地与沦陷区的日军做生意…实际上晋西北各县都充斥著五花八门的
日货。这些日货都是由沦陷区日军仓库所直接供应的…”
■ 附录：淮太西县烟土税征收与管理暂行办法
民国三十四年七月日颁布
（作者按：“淮太西”县系河南之淮阳、太康、西华三县之一部划编而成，隶属于冀鲁
豫边区第六专区，该专区又称水东专区，因地处新黄河以东。本办法第七条所称水东办
事处，即指此而言。）
一、为了加强对敌经济斗争，减轻人民负担，管制烟土出口，争取必需品的收入，特根
据冀鲁豫边区政府税收原则暨本县实际情况制定本办法。
二、于本县中心集市设立烟土总行，统一管理烟土行之经营与税收事宜。
１进行烟土经营之行户（以下简称行户），须按期向烟土总行呈请登记交纳营业税，领
取营业许可证，在烟土总行监督与管理下进行营业。
２烟土总行将根据实际情形在其他集市设置分行或集市管理员，分别负责各集市烟土税
收与营业管理事宜。
３烟土总行得根据集市交易情形，规定一定行户额数，超过规定额数时，由县政府在呈
请行户中指定之，其余可作为候补行户。
４合法经营之烟土行户，可取得下列收入：
（一）介绍成交，可按买卖各给三分红利。
（二）可按代收烟土税总收入百分之十作为酬金。
５总行得考核各行户营业收税及执行法令之情形，予以适当奖惩，必要时并可撤消其营
业权限，由其他候补行户的补之。
三、买卖烟土之商民必须将税款向总行或合法营业之行户进行交纳，方准出口。
１购买烟土人须首先向烟土总行或其代办机关举行登记，并取得许可证始得购买烟土。
２购买烟土后，即由经手交货之行户收纳烟土税后始准出口。
３不经买卖，而系直接出口之烟土，应先到纳税机关缴纳税款领取税单，始准出口。
四、税率 １烟土税率暂定征收按售价百分之十五征收之。
２购买烟土人如以银元黄金购烟土者，按百分之五征收，但只准在总行或其指定机关换
兑。五、罚则：
１烟土行户买卖烟土后，低报烟土价格因而漏税者，查获后，除补税纳款外，处以应缴
税款二倍之罚金
２购买烟土人，于购买后，实行走私漏税者，查获后除补税外，另处相当于纳税额二倍
之罚金。不经买卖关系走私
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| w****n
发帖数: 25644 | 24 你难道不懂什么叫做归纳？马克思的英文已经明显的表达了他的意思。
不要怕，这个不影响你的文革英明论，嗯
【在 H****g 的大作中提到】
: 你没必要满地打滚啊。只需要把你主贴里的原文贴出来就可以抽我的脸。也就是下面这
: 段话的原文。
: 马克思赞美鸦片战争把中国投入大混乱状态，”声称英国是在推进中国文明“。
: 他为英国强迫中国吸毒一事辩护道： “看来，历史要先让这些人民全部染上毒瘾，然
: 后才能让他们从世袭的愚蠢中醒来。”他甚至辩称，中国人有一种对鸦片的爱好。
| s********n
发帖数: 26222 | 25 马克思主义谬种流传，害中国不浅，该批！
【在 w****n 的大作中提到】
: 你难道不懂什么叫做归纳？马克思的英文已经明显的表达了他的意思。
: 不要怕，这个不影响你的文革英明论，嗯
| H****g
发帖数: 14447 | 26 这是你引用那段话的全文。请你具体指出，你主贴里说的马克思”赞美“鸦片战争等谬
论是根据那段话”归纳“出来的？
Revolution in China and In Europe
June 14, 1853
A most profound yet fantastic speculator on the principles which govern the
movements of Humanity was wont to extol as one of the ruling secrets of
nature what he called the law of the contact of extremes. The homely proverb
that “extremes meet” was, in his view, a grand and potent truth in every
sphere of life; an axiom with which the philosopher could as little dispense
as the astronomer with the laws of Kepler or the great discovery of Newton.
Whether the “contact of extremes” be such a universal principle or not, a
striking illustration of it may be seen in the effect the Chinese revolution
seems likely to exercise upon the civilized world. It may seem a very
strange, and a very paradoxical assertion that the next uprising of the
people of Europe, and their next movement for republican freedom and economy
of Government, may depend more probably on what is now passing in the
Celestial Empire — the very opposite of Europe — than on any other
political cause that now exists — more even than on the menaces of Russia
and the consequent likelihood of a general European war. But yet it is no
paradox, as all may understand by attentively considering the circumstances
of the case.
Whatever be the social causes, and whatever religious, dynastic, or national
shape they may assume, that have brought about the chronic rebellions
subsisting in China for about ten years past, and now gathered together in
one formidable revolution the occasion of this outbreak has unquestionably
been afforded by the English cannon forcing upon China that soporific drug
called opium. Before the British arms the authority of the Manchu dynasty
fell to pieces; the superstitious faith in the eternity of the Celestial
Empire broke down; the barbarous and hermetic isolation from the civilized
world was infringed; and an opening was made for that intercourse which has
since proceeded so rapidly under the golden attractions of California and
Australia. At the same time the silver coin of the Empire, its lifeblood,
began to be drained away to the British East Indies.
Up to 1830, the balance of trade being continually in favour of the Chinese,
there existed an uninterrupted importation of silver from India, Britain
and the United States into China. Since 1833, and especially since 1840, the
export of silver from China to India has become almost exhausting for the
Celestial Empire. Hence the strong decrees of the Emperor against the opium
trade, responded to by still stronger resistance to his measures. Besides
this immediate economical consequence, the bribery connected with opium
smuggling has entirely demoralized the Chinese State officers in the
Southern provinces. Just as the Emperor was wont to be considered the father
of all China, so his officers were looked upon as sustaining the paternal
relation to their respective districts. But this patriarchal authority, the
only moral link embracing the vast machinery of the State, has gradually
been corroded by the corruption of those officers, who have made great gains
by conniving at opium smuggling. This has occurred principally in the same
Southern provinces where the rebellion commenced. It is almost needless to
observe that, in the same measure in which opium has obtained the
sovereignty over the Chinese, the Emperor and his staff of pedantic
mandarins have become dispossessed of their own sovereignty. It would seem
as though history had first to make this whole people drunk before it could
rouse them out of their hereditary stupidity.
Though scarcely existing in former times, the import of English cottons, and
to a small extent of English woollens, has rapidly risen since 1833, the
epoch when the monopoly of trade with China was transferred from the East
India Company to Private commerce, and on a much greater scale since 1840,
the epoch when other nations, and especially our own, also obtained a share
in the Chinese trade. This introduction of foreign manufactures has had a
similar effect on the native industry to that which it formerly had on Asia
Minor, Persia and India. In China the spinners and weavers have suffered
greatly under this foreign competition, and the community has become
unsettled in proportion.
The tribute to be paid to England after the unfortunate war of 1840, the
great unproductive consumption of opium, the drain of the precious metals by
this trade, the destructive influence of foreign competition on native
manufactures, the demoralized condition of the public administration,
produced two things: the old taxation became more burdensome and harassing,
and new taxation was added to the old. Thus in a decree of the Emperor,
dated Peking, Jan 5 1853, we find orders given to the viceroys and governors
of the southern provinces of Wuchang and Hanyang to remit and defer the
payment of taxes, and especially not in any case to exact more than the
regular amount; for otherwise, says the decree, “how will the poor people
be able to bear it?” And “Thus, perhaps,” continues the Emperor, “will
my people, in a period of general hardship and distress, be exempted from
the evils of being pursued and worried by the tax-gatherer.” Such language
as this, and such concessions we remember to have heard from Austria, the
China of Germany, in 1848.
All these dissolving agencies acting together on the finances, the morals,
the industry, and political structure of China, received their full
development under the English cannon in 1840, which broke down the authority
of the Emperor, and forced the Celestial Empire into contact with the
terrestrial world. Complete isolation was the prime condition of the
preservation of Old China. That isolation having come to a violent end by
the medium of England, dissolution must follow as surely as that of any
mummy carefully preserved in a hermetically sealed coffin, whenever it is
brought into contact with the open air. Now, England having brought about
the revolution of China, the question is how that revolution will in time
react on England, and through England on Europe. This question is not
difficult of solution.
The attention of our readers has often been called to the unparalleled
growth of British manufactures since 1850. Amid the most surprising
prosperity, it has not been difficult to point out the clear symptoms of an
approaching industrial crisis. Notwithstanding California and Australia,
notwithstanding the immense and unprecedented emigration, there must ever,
without any particular accident, in due time arrive a moment when the
extension of the markets is unable to keep pace with the extension of
British manufactures, and this disproportion must bring about a new crisis
with the same certainty as it has done in the past. But, if one of the great
markets suddenly becomes contracted, the arrival of the crisis is
necessarily accelerated thereby. Now, the Chinese rebellion must, for the
time being, have precisely this effect upon England. The necessity for
opening new markets, or for extending the old ones, was one of the principle
causes of the reduction of the British tea-duties, as, with an increased
importation of tea, an increased exportation of manufactures to China was
expected to take place. Now, the value of the annual exports from the United
Kingdom to China amounted, before the repeal in 1834 of the trading
monopoly possessed by the East India Company, to only ￡600,000; in 1836, it
reached the sum of ￡1,326,388; in 1845, it had risen to ￡2,394,827; in
1852 it amounted to about ￡3,000,000. The quantity of tea imported from
China did not exceed, in 1793, 16,167,331 lbs.; but in 1845, it amounted to
50,714,657 lbs.; in 1846, to 57,584,561 lbs.; it is now above 60,000,000 lbs
. The tea crop of the last season will not prove short, as shown already by
the export lists from Shanghai, of 2,000,000 lbs. above the preceding year.
This excess is to be accounted for by two circumstances. On one hand, the
state of the market at the close of 1851 was much depressed, and the large
surplus stock left has been thrown into the export of 1852. On the other
hand, the recent accounts of the altered British legislation with regard to
imports of tea, reaching China, have brought forward all the available teas
to a ready market, at greatly enhanced prices. But with respect to the
coming crop, the case stands very differently. This is shown by the
following extracts from the correspondence of a large tea-firm in London:
“In Shanghai the terror is described as extreme. Gold had advanced in value
upwards of 25 per cent., being eagerly sought for hoarding; silver had so
far disappeared that none could be obtained to pay the Chinese dues on the
British vessels requiring port clearance; and in consequence of which Mr.
Consul Alcock has consented to become responsible to the Chinese authorities
for the payment of these dues, on receipt of East India Company’s bills,
or other approved securities. The scarcity of the precious metals is one of
the most unfavourable features, when viewed in reference to the immediate
future of commerce, as this abstraction occurs precisely at that period when
their use is most needed, to enable the tea and silk buyers to go into
their interior and effect their purchases, for which a large portion of
bullion if paid in advance, to enable the producers to carry on their
operations.”
At this period of the year it is usual to begin making arrangements for the
new teas, whereas at present nothing is talked of but the means of
protecting person and property, all transactions being at a stand.
“...if the means are not applied to secure the leaves in April and May, the
early crop, which includes all the finer descriptions, both of black and
green teas, will be as much lost as unreaped wheat at Christmas.”
Now the means for securing the tea leaves will certainly not be given by the
English, American or French squadrons stationed in the Chinese seas, but
these may easily, by their interference, produce such complications as to
cut off all transactions between the tea-producing interior and the tea
exporting sea ports. Thus, for the present crop, a rise in the prices must
be expected – speculation has already commenced in London – and for the
crop to come a large deficit is as good as certain. Nor is this all. The
Chinese, ready though they may be, as are all people in periods of
revolutionary convulsion, to sell off to the foreigner all the bulky
commodities they have on hand, will, as the Orientals are used to do in the
apprehension of great changes, set to hoarding, not taking much in return
for their tea and silk, except hard money. England has accordingly to expect
a rise in the price of one of her chief articles of consumption, a drain of
bullion, and a great contraction of an important market for her cotton and
woollen goods. Even the Economist, that optimist conjurer of all things
menacing the tranquil minds of the mercantile community, is compelled to use
language like this:
“We must not flatter ourselves with finding as extensive a market as
formerly for our exports to China ... It is more probable, therefore, that
our export trade to China should suffer, and that there should be a
diminished demand for the produce of Manchester and Glasgow.”
It must not be forgotten that the rise in the price of so indispensable an
article as tea, and the contraction of so important a market as China, will
coincide with a deficient harvest in Western Europe, and, therefore, with
rising prices of meat, corn, and all other agricultural produce. Hence
contracted markets for manufacturers, because every rise in the prices of
the first necessaries of life is counterbalanced, at home and abroad, by a
corresponding reduction in the demand for manufactures. From every part of
Great Britain complaints have been received on the backward state of most of
the crops. The Economist says on this subject:
In the South of England “not only will there be left much land unsown,
until too late for a crop of any sort, but much of the sown land will prove
to be foul, or otherwise in a bad state for corn-growing.” On the wet or
poor soils destined for wheat, signs that mischief is going on are apparent.
“The time for planting mangel-wurzel may now be said to have passed away,
and very little has been planted, while the time for preparing land for
turnips is rapidly going by, without any adequate preparation for this
important crop having been accomplished ... oat-sowing has been much
interfered with by the snow and rain. Few oats were sown early, and late-
sown oats seldom produce a large crop.”
In many districts losses among the breeding flocks have been considerable.
The price of other farm-produce than corn is from 20 to 30, and even 50 per
cent. higher than last year. On the Continent, corn has risen comparatively
more than in England. Rye has risen in Belgium and Holland a full 100 per
cent. Wheat and other grains are following suit.
Under these circumstances, as the greater part of the regular commercial
circle has already been run through by British trade, it may safely be
augured that the Chinese revolution will throw the spark into the overloaded
mine of the present industrial system and cause the explosion of the long-
prepared general crisis, which, spreading abroad, will be closely followed
by political revolutions on the Continent. It would be a curious spectacle,
that of China sending disorder into the Western World while the Western
Powers, by English, French and American war-steamers, are conveying “order
” to Shanghai, Nanking and the mouths of the Great Canal. Do these order-
mongering Powers, which would attempt to support the wavering Manchu dynasty
, forget that the hatred against foreigners and their exclusion from the
Empire, once the mere result of China’s geographical and ethnographical
situation, have become a political system only since the conquest of the
country by the race of the Manchu Tatars? There can be no doubt that the
turbulent dissensions among the European nations who, at the later end of
the 17th century, rivalled each other in the trade with China, lent a mighty
aid to the exclusive policy adopted by the Manchus. But more than this was
done by the fear of the new dynasty, lest the foreigners might favour the
discontent existing among a large proportion of the Chinese during the first
half-century or thereabouts of their subjection to the Tatars. From these
considerations, foreigners were then prohibited from all communication with
the Chinese, except through Canton, a town at a great distance from Peking
and the tea-districts, and their commerce restricted to intercourse with the
Hong merchants, licensed by the Government expressly for the foreign trade,
in order to keep the rest of its subjects from all connection with the
odious strangers. In any case an interference on the part of the Western
Governments at this time can only serve to render the revolution more
violent, and protract the stagnation of trade.
At the same time it is to be observed with regard to India that the British
Government of that country depends for full one seventh of its revenue on
the sale of opium to the Chinese while a considerable proportion of the
Indian demand for British manufactures depends on the production of that
opium in India. The Chinese, it is true, are no more likely to renounce the
use of opium than are the Germans to forswear tobacco. But as the new
Emperor is understood to be favourable to the culture of the poppy and the
preparation of opium in China itself, it is evident that a death-blow is
very likely to be struck at once at the business of opium-raising in India,
the Indian revenue, and the commercial resources of Hindostan. Though this
blow would not immediately be felt by the interests concerned, it would
operate effectually in due time, and would come in to intensify and prolong
the universal financial crisis whose horoscope we have cast above.
Since the commencement of the eighteenth century there has been no serious
revolution in Europe which had not been preceded by a commercial and
financial crisis. This applies no less to the revolution of 1789 than to
that of 1848. It only that we every day behold more threatening s conflict
between the ruling powers and their subjects the State and society, between
the various classes; conflict of the existing powers among each other
reaching that height where the sword must be drawn, and the ultima ratio of
princes be recurred to. In the European capitals, every day brings
despatches big with universal war, vanishing under the despatches of the
following day, bearing the assurance of peace for a week or so. We may be
sure, nevertheless, that to whatever height the conflict between the
European powers may rise, however threatening the aspect of the diplomatic
horizon may appear, whatever movements may be attempted by some enthusiastic
fraction in this or that country, the rage of princes and the, fury of the
people are alike enervated by the breath of prosperity. Neither wars nor
revolutions are likely to put Europe by the ears, unless in consequence of a
general commercial and industrial crisis, the signal of which has, as usual
, to be given by England, the representative of European industry in the
market of the world.
It is unnecessary to dwell on the political consequences such a crisis must
produce in these times, with the unprecedented extension of factories in
England, with the utter dissolution of her official parties, with the whole
State machinery of France transformed into one immense swindling and
stockjobbing concern, with Austria on the eve of bankruptcy, with wrongs
everywhere accumulated to be revenged by the people, with the conflicting
interests of the reactionary powers themselves, and with the Russian dream
of conquest once more revealed to the world.
【在 w****n 的大作中提到】
: 你难道不懂什么叫做归纳？马克思的英文已经明显的表达了他的意思。
: 不要怕，这个不影响你的文革英明论，嗯
| j*********n
发帖数: 4116 | 27 这个应该是你自己加的
★ 发自iPhone App: ChineseWeb 7.3
【在 w****n 的大作中提到】
: 马克思说这是应该的，嗯
| t*********e
发帖数: 630 | 28 今天历史，军事等方面的知识又增加不少
好
the
【在 w****n 的大作中提到】
: 在当时的英国，主流民众狂热地支持第一次鸦片战争（而对于第二次鸦片战争则有游行
: 示威反对），作为此等种族主义的反映，马克思为英国强迫中国吸毒一事辩护道：
: “看来，历史要先让这些人民全部染上毒瘾，然后才能让他们从世袭的愚蠢中醒来
: 。”
: Reflecting the racism which dominated England, where the majority of the
: population enthusiastically supported the first Opium War (there were
: popular demonstrations against the second Opium War), Marx defends the
: British-forced addiction of China:
: "It would seem as though history had first to make this whole people
: drunk before it could rouse them out of their hereditary stupidity.''
|
|
