m*****o
发帖数: 36 | 1 谁能调动美国大使馆配合制造王立军事件？非博源基金会莫属！
谁能调动英国官方配合制造谷开来事件？非博源基金会这只黑手莫属！
谁能调动纽约时报爆料温贪腐，还是非博源基金会莫属！
1） 且不说法庭上的谷开来是个替身，一个跨国“薄古杀人案”法庭程序居然只有一天
，被告毫无争辩；
2） 居然王立军案法庭程序居然一模一样，只有一天，被告毫无争辩;
3） 两案的法庭审判人员都非常年轻，看起来只有二三十岁，可见那些老奸巨猾的幕后
黑手自己都惧怕有一天会翻案，被抓住。
4） 中央电视台播报审判结果时，大段大段地叙述，只有在最后放出没有上下连贯内容
的“承认犯罪”一两句话。那么，古、王承认的是央视报道的案件还是根本不相关的其
他职责？
不让中国人讨论和发表反对意见本身就说明，这是一起阴谋！能让所有的中央委员举手
投票这更说明公鸡黑手对中国的控制有多深。
人民币国际化的幕后推手是博源基金会。
博源基金会的何迪（原瑞士银行中国CEO，现瑞士银行副主席）自爆：
胡舒立的财经网由博源基金会资助。
其在体制内的代理人有周小川、王妓山，元老中有经济沙皇朱镕基和乔石。
瑞士银行无条件提供资金五百万美元，唯一的要求：董事会一席位
基金会理事会包括前美国国家安全助理斯考克罗夫特（Brent Scowcroft），瑞银副主
席、前欧盟副主席列昂．布列坦（Leon Brittan）, 前瑞银亚太地区主席谭信乐（Rory
Tapner），香港特别s政区行政委员会成员、汇丰投资亚洲控股有限公司非执行主席史
美伦（Laura Cha），等等。
http://www.smh.com.au/world/china-politics/elites-fight-secret-
Elites fight secret battle for China's soul
Date
November 12, 2012
Read later
John Garnaut
China correspondent for Fairfax Media
View more articles from John Garnaut
Email John
With one eye on Hitler and the lessons of 1930s Germany and Japan, a top
banker is quietly trying to build his own Chinese revolution, writes John
Garnaut in Beijing.
inShare
Pin ItEmail articlePrint
Out in force ... the Chinese military put on a show for the 60th anniversary
celebrations. Photo: AP
Two years ago, China's most successful investment banker broke away from his
meetings in Berlin to explore a special exhibition that caught his eye:
Hitler and the Germans: Nation and Crime.
In the basement of the German Historical Museum, He Di [pronounced Her Dee]
watched crowds uneasily coming to terms with how their ancestors had
embraced the Nazi promise of ''advancement, prosperity and the reinstatement
of former national grandeur'', as the curators wrote in their introduction.
The UBS banker found the exhibition so enthralling, and so disturbing for
the parallels he saw developing back home, that he spent three days
absorbing everything on Nazi history that he could find. On returning to
China, he sharpened the mission statement at his think tank and redoubled
its ideological crusade.
He Di's Boyuan Foundation exists almost entirely under the radar but may
well be the most ambitious, radical and consequential independent panel of
advisers in China. After leading the Chinese economy into the arena of
global capital, he aspires to enable Chinese people to live in a world of
liberty, democracy and free markets. The challenge for Boyuan is that these
''universal values'' are the antithesis of the principles by which the
Communist Party keeps itself in power.
He Di says the tide of nationalism in China goes against what his father, He
Kang, left, shown as a young man meeting Premier Zhou Enlai, fought for.
''Boyuan is like the salons that initiated and incubated the governing ideas
of the French revolution,'' says David Kelly, who is a research director at
China Policy, a Beijing advisory, and maps China's intellectual landscape.
''They explicitly want to bring the liberal enlightenment to China.''
Advertisement
He Di is quietly at the forefront of an ideological war that is playing in
the background of this week's epic leadership transition. At one pole of
this contest of ideas are his universal values and at the other is the
revolutionary ideology of the patriarch of the party, Chairman Mao. This
battle for China's future plays into the decade-long factional wrestle
between the outgoing president, Hu Jintao, and his recently-resurgent
predecessor, Jiang Zemin - the outcome of which will be clearer when the new
leadership team lines up under a new general secretary, Xi Jinping, on
Thursday.
Jiang's ideological disposition has evolved in chameleon fashion but in
recent years, in subtle ways, he has let it be known that if the party
remains too firmly beholden to Mao Zedong thought and Soviet-era
institutions, it faces the risk of Soviet-style collapse.
Warning bells ... banker He Di is working to help China avoid the evils of
nationalism in Nazism and Adolf Hitler.
He Di says there are ''two forces debating each other'' as if he were
engaged in an abstract, academic debate. Actually, he is up against the
legacies of Mao, Stalin and 2000 years of dynastic rule but he believes the
overwhelming majority of Chinese people are on his side. ''If you test how
many Chinese people really want to return to Mao's period, to become North
Korea, I don't believe it's 1 per cent of them'' he says. But He Di is also
facing off against the world's largest vested interest, the party itself.
The party's ''deep red'' ideological spear-carriers have been fighting as if
their lives are on the line. The neo-Maoists - to use He Di's term - are
sceptical of private capital, appalled by rampant corruption and
antagonistic towards what they see as dangerous Western values. These
adversaries, whose heroes include the fallen political star Bo Xilai and the
politically-wounded corruption-fighting general, Liu Yuan, have a term for
everything that He Di's Boyuan represents: ''the Western hostile forces''.
Luckily, He Di has some weight behind him, too.
He Di's father was a minister in the reformist 1980s, responsible for
agriculture. His foundation has a fearless chairman, Qin Xiao, who held a
ministerial-level position as chairman of one of China's top state-owned
financial conglomerates. His directors include Brent Scowcroft, a former US
national security adviser. The Boyuan steering committee includes the
publisher of path-breaking Caijing magazine, a son of one of the most
important generals of the revolution, Marshal Chen Yi, and a group of
serving officials who, between them, manage the largest accumulation of
financial assets in the history of global capital.
Childhood friends who have worked closely with Boyuan include the governor
of the People's Bank of China, Zhou Xiaochuan, and Wang Qishan, the
financial system czar who is set to enter the Politburo Standing Committee
this week. They, along with several other ''princelings'' who have risen to
the top of Chinese finance, became close friends, ironically, when they were
all red guards fighting ''capitalist roaders'' in Chairman Mao's Cultural
Revolution.
Many of the protagonists at Boyuan are creatures of the party, with levers
of the state at their disposal. They are organising and challenging ''the
party line'' in ways that could lead ordinary citizens to be seen as
dissidents. Further in the background are members of some of China's most
powerful families - the world's most powerful families - including the
former security chief Qiao Shi, and the former premiers Zhu Rongji and Jiang
Zemin.
When He Di retired as chairman of UBS China - after leading the investment
banking charts for four straight years - they gave him an office, a
secretary and a salary with no minimum work requirements. He continued to
find them lucrative deals, capable princelings to hire (such as the son of
the former vice-premier Li Ruihuan) and introductions to wealthy private
banking clients. The Swiss bank also gave him $US5 million to inject into
Boyuan, just weeks before the 2008 global financial crisis, without any
strings attached except the appointment of a UBS representative on his board
. He Di tipped in a million dollars of his own as he redeployed his
resources to build a platform for ideas. ''One day, I picked up the phone
and called potential board members, and in that one day, I called six or
seven ministers or vice ministers, without any hesitation,'' he says.
He Di had intended his Boyuan Foundation to be a retirement pursuit, a
project of collective self-enlightenment with close childhood friends. But
as he studied, broadened his networks, and watched Chinese citizens embrace
modernity and the party-state slide back towards the revolutionary ideology
of his childhood, his ambitions turned from supporting China's modern
evolution to saving it.
He Di traces China's spiritual and policy drift to 2003, which happens to be
the year in which President Jiang Zemin and Premier Zhu Rongji entrusted
the party and government apparatus to Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao. He says the
administration drifted away from ''opening and reform'' and the nascent
internet space began to fill with critics of privatisation and reform.
Leaders are isolated from their mid-level officials, each bureaucracy is
siloed from the next, and there is no framework to mediate their interests
or debate the wider merits of any particular proposal, he says. And once
they started back down the old road of central planning, they grew addicted
to the power it brought them.
''The current leaders have really disappointed because I don't know what
they believe,'' He Di says. ''They were educated by the party, the old
doctrines of Marxism, they lack growth experiences at the grassroots. They
are really engineers who still want to enjoy the dividends from the previous
generation leadership.''
He Di's worries grew as he watched a fellow princeling, Bo Xilai, a true son
of the revolution, breathe new life into the spirit of Mao Zedong and whip
up a popular frenzy in the inland mega-city of Chongqing.
A turning point was his visit to the history museum in Berlin. ''I saw
exactly how Hitler combined populism and nationalism to support Nazism,'' He
Di says. ''That's why the neighbouring countries worry about China's
situation. All these things we also worry about. If we are really following
extreme nationalism, extreme populism, and the economy is following state
capitalism, history can be repeated again.''
When He Di returned to Beijing, he discovered renowned scholars were well
advanced in investigating those same parallels, even if they could not
safely publicise their work. He discovered Shanghai historian Xu Jilin.
Professor Xu traced China's leftward turn to the 1999 US bombing of the
Chinese embassy in Belgrade, which grew into a ''nationalist cyclone'' in
parallel with China's rising pride and power and the political phenomenon of
Bo Xilai.
''Statist thinking is gaining ground in the mainstream ideology of
officialdom, and may even be practised on a large scale in some regions, of
'singing Red songs and striking hard at crime,''' Xu said, in a talk
delivered to the Boyuan Foundation. ''The history of Germany and Japan in
the 1930s shows that if statism fulfils its potential, it will lead the
entire nation into catastrophe.''
Xu's antidote is right out of the Boyuan mission statement: ''What a strong
state needs most is democratic institutions, a sound constitution and the
rule of law to prevent power from doing evil.''
Boyuan's Beijing headquarters is an elegantly renovated courtyard home in
the city's inner north. Behind He Di's desk is a wall of books on history,
philosophy and reform. Over a simple lunch and endless cups of tea, he tells
me how his commitment to liberal values is rooted in a strand of Communist
Party tradition which flourished in the 1980s - when his father was at the
height of his power - and has since been subordinated but not entirely
vanquished.
''My grandfather and father were all fighting to establish, not dictatorship
, not feudalism, but so that people at the grassroots could enjoy a good
life.''
He Di's father, He Kang, was a talented scientist, respected for his
integrity, who helped guide China's peasantry into the market place and
enjoy the greatest burst of poverty alleviation the world has seen. This was
China's moment of enlightenment, he says, where the revolutionary veterans
respected the judgment of peasants and entrepreneurs alike to choose what to
plant, what to make, and how to take it to market. The trick was simply to
get out of the way.
''At that time, the top leaders really understand the concept of so-called
universal values, which means human rights and allowing the people freedom
to choose what they want,'' He Di says. ''They respected the abilities of
the people, reflecting a universal value not necessarily coming from the
West but based on human beings' basic needs.''
In He Di's book, Mao Zedong was an aberration, a diversion, who has no
positive contribution to offer in his family's 100-year quest to bring China
into modernity. Mao saw democracy as a tool, not a value. Mao saw peasants
and workers as an undifferentiated mass to be organised and mobilised but
not respected. He represents China's past, and used ideology instead of
Confucianism as his doctrine of control.
''Mao called himself Qin Shi Huang plus Stalin,'' He Di says, embellishing
Mao's actual words. ''He used revolution to repackage China's despotic
tradition and crown himself emperor.'' He says when Deng Xiaoping and his
successors, Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji, committed to the market, they also
committed to the values that underpinned it, including the ideal of law.
The absence of values led to nihilism and the state-worshipping catastrophe
in Nazi Germany. An absence of values has led the administration of Hu
Jintao far off course in the decade it has been in power, he says,
eviscerating the integrity of the individual and leaving nothing to define
itself by - except its enemies.
John Garnaut is author of a new Penguin e-book, The Rise and Fall of the
House of Bo. A version of this article appears at foreignpolicy.com
Read more: http://www.smh.com.au/world/china-politics/elites-fight-secret-battle-for-chinas-soul-20121111-296a1.html#ixzz2HXjPArsI | m*****o
发帖数: 36 | | h****o
发帖数: 2455 | | m*****o
发帖数: 36 | 4 共济会指挥颠覆分裂中国的指挥部
全部会员都是共济会员, 看主页上的照片,所有人都握手,那是一个共济会姿势:
博源基金会: http://www.boyuan.hk/intro.php?charset=sc | m*****o
发帖数: 36 | 5 关于基金会
主页 > 关于基金会 > 简介
博源基金会成立于2007年10月，是一个在香港正式注册，得到香港政府正式批准，具有
独立法人资格的非营利性公益组织。
博源基金会以推动学术及政策研究为目标，着眼于研究中国经济、社会及国际关系领域
内的中长期问题。博源基金会倡导多学科交流，通过疏理问题、建立框 架和寻求共识
来促进国内外学界，政府部门及商界志士仁人之间的对话。 博源基金会提倡研究的创
新模式，愿为国内外各领域有识之士探索、研究重大课题搭建平台，提供资金支援和相
关服务。
基金会的活动包括：组织、支援研究课题，召集年度论坛，组织年度专题讲座及出版专
著及论文集等。基金会以自己组织参与研究课题为主，同时也向外部研 究机构及个人
提供经费，资助符合基金会研究方向的课题。
博源基金会理事会由国际知名人士组成，其中包括中国招商局集团董事长秦晓，瑞银投
资银行副主席何迪，全国人大常委会财经委员会副主任、前中国人民银行副行长吴晓灵
，中国投资有限公司总经理高西庆，中国投资有限公司副总经理汪建熙，中国国际金融
有限公司董事长、前国务院发展研究中心副主任李剑阁，美国斯考克罗夫特集团主席、
美国前国家安全事务助理斯考克罗夫特（Brent Scowcroft），瑞银副主席、前欧盟副
主席列昂．布列坦（Leon Brittan）, 前瑞银亚太地区主席谭信乐（Rory Tapner），
香港特别行政区行政委员会成员、汇丰投资亚洲控股有限公司非执行主席史美伦（
Laura Cha），中银国际首席经济学家曹远征。
顾问委员会成员有中国人民银行副行长易纲，标准国际投资管理公司董事长陈小鲁，北
京控股集团有限公司董事长衣锡群，中国证券市场研究设计中心总干事王波明，前瑞银
投资银行亚洲区主席贺利华（Rodney Ward），银监会首席顾问、前香港证监会主席沈
联涛，前香港中文大学校长金耀基，全国人大常委会香港特区基本法委员会副主任、前
香港特别行政区律政司司长梁爱诗，前国家税务总局副局长许善达，北京大学国际关系
学院副院长袁明，新世界中国实业专案有限公司董事总经理纪文凤。
学术委员会成员有北京大学国家发展研究院主任周其仁，北京大学国际关系学院院长王
缉思，香港中文大学教授金观涛，复旦大学新经济政治学研究中心主任史正富，中欧工
商管理学院教授许小年，瑞银全球新兴市场研究部主管乔纳森．安德逊（Jonathan
Anderson），中银国际首席经济学家曹远征。
博源基金会愿与各界一同努力，为公益事业，科学研究和社会发展做出贡献。 |
|
