l*****7
发帖数: 8463 | 1 1. 邪恶的日本独裁政府公然违反琉球王国人民的民主自由人权!
2. 强烈支持琉球王国的民主自由人权斗士!!!
3. 强烈支持琉球王国独立!!!
Check out link 1 and 2 below
<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<
Link 1:
http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/06/world/asia/in-okinawa-talk-of
In Okinawa, Talk of Break From Japan Turns Serious
Ko Sasaki for The New York Times
Chosuke Yara, the head of the Ryukyu Independence Party, last month. “
Independence is an idea whose time has come,” he said.
By MARTIN FACKLER
Published: July 5, 2013
NAHA, Japan — In a windowless room in a corner of a bustling market where
stalls displayed severed pigs’ heads and bolts of kimono silk, Okinawans
gathered to learn about a political idea that until recently few had dared
to take seriously: declaring their island chain’s political independence
from Japan.
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About two dozen people of all ages listened as speakers challenged the
official view of Okinawa as inherently part of homogeneous Japan, arguing
instead that Okinawans are a different ethnic group whose once-independent
tropical islands were forcibly seized by Japan in 1879. Then, to lighten the
mood, the organizers showed “Sayonara, Japan!”, a comedy about a
fictional Okinawan island that becomes its own little republic.
“Until now, you were mocked if you spoke of independence,” said one
speaker, Kobun Higa, 71, a retired journalist whose book on the history of
the tiny independence movement has become a hot seller online. “But
independence may be the only real way to free ourselves from the American
bases.”
Mr. Higa and other advocates admit that few islanders would actually seek
independence for Okinawa, the southernmost Japanese island chain, which is
home to 1.4 million residents and more than half of the 50,000 American
troops and sailors based in Japan. But discontent with the heavy American
presence and a growing perception that the central government is ignoring
Okinawans’ pleas to reduce it have made an increasing number of islanders
willing to at least flirt publicly with the idea of breaking apart in a way
that local politicians and scholars say they have not seen in decades.
In May, a newly formed group led by Okinawan university professors held a
symposium on independence that drew 250 people. A tiny political party that
advocates separation from Japan through peaceful means has been revived
after decades of dormancy, though its candidates have fared poorly in recent
elections. And on his blog, a member of Parliament from Okinawa recently
went so far as to post an entry titled “Okinawa, It’s Finally Time for
Independence From Yamato,” using the Okinawan word for the rest of Japan.
“Before, independence was just something we philosophized about over drinks
,” said Masahide Ota, a former governor of Okinawa, who is not a member of
the movement.
“Now, it is being taken much more seriously.”
The independence movement remains nascent, with a few hundred active
adherents at most. But Mr. Ota and others say it still has the potential to
complicate Japan’s unfolding contest with China for influence in the region
.
That struggle expanded recently to include what appears to be a semiofficial
campaign in China to question Japanese rule of Okinawa. Some analysts see
the campaign as a ploy to strengthen China’s hand in a dispute over a
smaller group of islands that has captured international headlines in recent
months. Some Chinese scholars have called for exploiting the independence
movement to say there are splits even in Japan over the legitimate ownership
of islands annexed during Japan’s imperial expansion in the late 19th
century, as Okinawa and the smaller island group were.
Okinawa has long looked and felt different from the rest of Japan, with the
islands’ tropical climate, vibrant musical culture and lower average
incomes setting it apart. Strategically situated in the center of East Asia,
the islands, once known as the Kingdom of the Ryukyus, have had a tortured
history with Japan since the takeover, including the forced suicides of
Okinawan civilians by Japanese troops during World War II and the imposition
of American bases after the war.
For years, Okinawans directed much of their ire over the bases at the United
States. But that changed four years ago when the Japanese prime minister at
the time, Yukio Hatoyama, reneged on campaign pledges to move the bustling
Marine air base at Futenma off Okinawa, rather than to a less populated site
on the island as previous governments had approved. After that, many
Okinawans shifted much of their anger toward the rest of Japan, which wants
the United States military presence to offset China’s growing power, but is
unwilling to shoulder more of the burden of bases for fear of crime, noise
and accidents.
Local leaders and scholars say the last time Okinawans spoke so openly of
independence was during a period of sometimes violent unrest against
American control before the United States ended its postwar occupation of
the islands in 1972.
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Follow @nytimesworld for international breaking news and headlines.
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“There is a growing feeling that Okinawans just exchanged one colonial
master in Washington for another one in Tokyo,” said Shinako Oyakawa, 32, a
doctoral student at the University of the Ryukyus and a co-founder of
Okinawan Studies 107, a group promoting research into Ryukyuan ethnic
identity.
Such discontent has helped nurture groups like hers, which seek to promote
the idea that the islanders form a distinct ethnic group. It has also led to
the creation of places like Ryukyu Hall, a privately run school that opened
last year and offers classes on Okinawan language and culture.
On a recent weekend, about 30 people gathered at the school, a small,
sparsely furnished two-story building, to hear accounts in the Ryukyuan
language by survivors of the American invasion of Okinawa in 1945.
“Regaining our identity is the first step toward regaining independence,”
said Midori Teruya, 41, a co-founder of the school in Ginowan, the site of
the Futenma air base.
The talk of independence has grown enough that it is being heard in Tokyo,
where some conservative newspapers have begun calling the Okinawan
independence activists “pawns” of China.
Whether or not the activists are pawns, there is certainly some discussion
in China about using the independence movement. Recently, an editorial in
The Global Times, a state-run Chinese newspaper, said China could pressure
Japan by “fostering forces in Okinawa that seek the restoration of the
independence of the Ryukyu chain.”
Few believe China is about to pursue ownership of Okinawa. But Japanese
analysts see the informal campaign as the latest gambit in China’s attempts
to take over the smaller group of islands, known as the Senkaku in Japan
and Diaoyu in China, by essentially warning that China could expand its
claims beyond those islands if Japan ignores its arguments.
“It will create problems for us if the Chinese government tries to use this
issue,” said Masaki Tomochi, a professor at Okinawa International
University who helped organize the symposium on independence in May.
Mr. Tomochi and other activists said that in the remote event that Okinawa
became independent, they felt little fear of a Chinese takeover because the
Ryukyus had held friendly ties with China for centuries before the Japanese
takeover.
Mr. Tomochi’s group is planning a second symposium to present research on
how Pacific island nations like Palau could serve as a model for a future
Ryukyu republic. The idea is to try to overcome what he sees as the main
challenge his movement faces: winning over Okinawans who seem content with
their Japanese-style living standards.
“People are talking independence now, but how realistic is it?” asked
Yoshinao Hiyane, 22, an economics major at Okinawa International University.
“My generation has grown up Japanese.”
At the movie screening in the market, independence supporters tried to
bolster the notion that their idea is more than a fantasy by handing out
color-copied “currency” of a Ryukyu republic. They stood before a blue
banner with three stars that the organizer, Chosuke Yara, called its flag.
“Recently, the interests of the Japanese people and the Ryukyu people have
clearly diverged,” said Mr. Yara, 61, the head of the tiny Ryukyu
Independence Party. “Independence is an idea whose time has come.” | l*****7
发帖数: 8463 | 2 只要你是一个中国人，
你有责任支持我们琉球王国的兄弟姐妹!!!!
【在 l*****7 的大作中提到】
: 1. 邪恶的日本独裁政府公然违反琉球王国人民的民主自由人权!
: 2. 强烈支持琉球王国的民主自由人权斗士!!!
: 3. 强烈支持琉球王国独立!!!
: Check out link 1 and 2 below
: <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<
: Link 1:
: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/06/world/asia/in-okinawa-talk-of
: In Okinawa, Talk of Break From Japan Turns Serious
: Ko Sasaki for The New York Times
: Chosuke Yara, the head of the Ryukyu Independence Party, last month. “
| l*****7
发帖数: 8463 | | l*****7
发帖数: 8463 | | y****g
发帖数: 36950 | 5
琉球独立很好，不过LZ是琉球人？
【在 l*****7 的大作中提到】
: 只要你是一个中国人，
: 你有责任支持我们琉球王国的兄弟姐妹!!!!
| l*****7
发帖数: 8463 | | l*****7
发帖数: 8463 | | l*****7
发帖数: 8463 | | m***e
发帖数: 428 | | l*****7
发帖数: 8463 | | | | l*****7
发帖数: 8463 | | j****c
发帖数: 19908 | | q******g
发帖数: 3858 | | l*****7
发帖数: 8463 | | j*****p
发帖数: 24000 | | l*****7
发帖数: 8463 | 16 http://site.6park.com/military/index.php?app=forum&act=threadvi
美国表示琉球决不能交还日本的重要史料
送交者: Jamio[♂进士☆♂] 于 2013-07-10 13:04 已读 280 次 @Jamio@的微博
左双文：美国表示琉球决不能交还日本的重要史料
发布时间:2013-07-10 17:57 作者:左双文（◎左双文，华南师范大学历史文化学院教
授。） 来源: 南方都市报
近日读史，发现一则关于琉球群岛归属问题的重要史料，是记录1944年10月3日美
国总统罗斯福对中国国民政府外交代表谈琉球问题的一份电文，似少见关注和引用。值
此日本右翼恶意挑起钓鱼岛争端闹剧的时候，笔者特将这份文件引出，并略加解读，以
供有识者参考。
电报原文如下：
华盛顿顾大使维钧质电陈，偕魏大使等入觐罗斯福总统，承告各点称：今午偕魏大
使、胡次长、商团长入觐罗斯福总统，承告“(一)魁北克会议对于如何继续助华有共同
决心；(二)纳尔逊离美赴华时曾告以到华后所得印象或致失望，彼回美后报告谓我国情
况一般尚佳；(三)将来日本在太平洋之岛屿如何处置颇费考虑，美国不愿再增土地，但
琉球及BO N IA岛(即小笠原群岛)(原文如此，正确的英文名称应为BO N IN———引者)
无论如何亦不能交还日本；(四)中美空中交通问题亦多困难，如允予中国民航线展至檀
香山，则澳之同样要求难以拒绝，将来日本恐亦希图；(五)和平机构会议之投票权问题
必须有一解决。”(台北“国史馆”编：《蒋中正总统档案：事略稿本》影印本第58册
，1944年8-10月卷，台北2011年版，第535～536页)
下面请允许我略作解读：
顾大使维钧，即顾维钧，时任国民政府驻英大使，此时为到华盛顿参加美英苏中四
盟国讨论战后国际和平与安全机构筹备问题的敦巴顿橡树园会议，被国民政府任命为中
国代表团首席代表，正在华盛顿活动。
质电，韵目代日，质，4日，质电，即4日电。
魏大使，即魏道明，时任国民政府驻美大使，同时亦被派为参加敦巴顿橡树园会议
中国代表。
胡次长，即胡世泽，时任国民政府外交部次长，中国参加敦巴顿橡树园会议代表。
商团长，即商震，时任国民政府驻美军事代表团团长，中国参加敦巴顿橡树园会议
代表之一。
具体会见时间，发电时间是4日(质)，电中称是“今午”，似乎是4日中午会见后于
当日发电。但据《顾维钧回忆录》，会见时间明确说是3日：“苏俄这一建议(指敦巴顿
橡树园会议上苏联提出其16个加盟共和国也应作为联合国会员国加入，这样它就可有17
票表决权———引者)是10月3日我和两个同事去见罗斯福总统时，他首先向我们透露的
。”“我们坐下来交谈了将近半个小时。……他还向我讲述了他坚持要中国参加敦巴顿
橡树园会谈的事。并对我讲了为什么他要求将中国列为战后负有维持和平责任的大国之
一。他说，他希望在世界各地都看到和平。由于有了中国这个地处亚洲的强大盟国，美
国就可以将全部注意力放到欧洲。……就人口而言，中国是世界上最大的国家；就领土
而言，中国是亚洲最大的国家；综观中国历史，中国人民是热爱和平的人民。因此他决
心使中国成为负责维持世界和平的四大国之一。”该回忆录中虽没有记录电报中谈的不
将琉球交给日本的内容，但谈到罗斯福对中国的重视，谈到罗斯福支持中国未来成为维
持亚太地区和平的重要国家，故与上封电报的内容是适相吻合，可以互相映衬的。
回忆录另一处，顾维钧提到与他一起去拜会罗斯福总统的“两个同事”是“魏大使
和商震将军。”但未提外交次长胡世泽。(《顾维钧回忆录》，第5册，中华书局1987年
版，第413～415页)。这个“今午”，应指3日午，就是3日午拜见，4日发电报告重庆。
关于上封电报，还有一个更完整一点的版本，即收入台北国民党中央党史会编辑的
《中华民国重要史料初编：对日抗战时期》第三编“战时外交”中的《驻英大使顾维钧
自华盛顿呈蒋主席报告谒罗斯福总统承告对我国在世界和平机构会议中对三国草案颇多
赞许表示欣慰》电(民国三十三年十月四日)，关于琉球部分，电文内容为：“(三)将来
日本在太平洋之岛屿如何处置，颇费考虑。美国不愿再增土地，琉球及BO N IN岛即小
笠原群岛，无论如何，亦不能交还日本。又谓闻往时B O N IN岛王曾由中国任命。”(
《中华民国重要史料初编：对日抗战时期》战时外交，三，台北1981年版，第892～893
页)其中黑体部分为上一版本所无的内容，这句话在此也是甚为关键的，带有很明显的
暗示意味。
综上，也即1944年10月3日午间，在华盛顿参加敦巴顿橡树园会议的中国国民政府
外交代表顾维钧、魏道明、胡世泽、商震等拜见美国总统罗斯福，承罗斯福告知上述五
点意见。其中最具现实意义的是第三点，即罗斯福指出，在不久的将来击败法西斯日本
之后，琉球及小笠原群岛无论如何不能再交还日本，而美国也不愿再增土地，也即美国
也不会要。决不给日本，美国也不要，那么给谁呢？据说这里过去曾是中国的藩属。这
里值得考虑的是，这是罗斯福总统与战时中国政府外交代表的一次重要会面，表示支持
和希望中国成为未来维护亚太地区安全与和平、担负重要责任的大国，且在不长的会见
中又一次向中国方面提出琉球问题，并似乎顺带提到这一地区在历史上与中国的藩属属
性，这其中的意图应即是：暗示未来有将这个地方交予中国管辖的可能性！
最近，著名历史学家、中国史学会会长张海鹏先生撰文指出，琉球问题同样属于历
史遗留问题，亦有若干可议之处，现在虽控制在日本手中，但其中存在诸多事实上、法
理上的疑点(张海鹏：《琉球再议，议什么？》，《环球时报》2013年5月17日)。文中
提到，1943年11月开罗会议时，罗斯福曾明确提出将琉球交给中国管理，蒋答以可由中
美共管。而笔者介绍的这条史料，事情发生在开罗会议召开近一年之后，罗斯福总统重
提此事，应该是在此前考虑基础上一个符合逻辑的延伸。因此，笔者此处介绍的这份电
报，无疑也是对张海鹏先生文章观点一个新的印证。 | w*******e
发帖数: 15912 | 17 white house网站 file个petition中不?
【在 j****c 的大作中提到】
: 你们怎么支持？
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