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发帖数: 9770 | 1 论林彪反党集团的社会基础
On the Social Basis of the Lin Piao Anti-Party Clique
姚文元
by Yao Wen-yuan
[This article is reprinted from Peking Review, #10, March 7, 1975, pp. 5-10.]
毛主席在讲到必须搞清楚无产阶级对资产阶级专政的问题时明确指出：“林彪一类如上
台，搞资本主义很容易。因此，要多看点马列主义的书。”这就提出了一个极其重要的
问题：即“林彪一类”的阶级本质是什么？林彪反党集团产生的社会基础是什么？把这
个问题弄清楚，对于巩固无产阶级专政、防止资本主义复辟，对于坚定地执行党在社会
主义历史阶段的基本路线，一步一步地造成资产阶级既不能存在也不能再产生的条件，
无疑是十分必要的。
SPEAKING of the necessity for a clear understanding of the question of the
proletariat exercising dictatorship over the bourgeoisie, Chairman Mao
pointed out explicitly: “It would be quite easy for people like Lin Piao to
push the capitalist system if they come to power. Therefore, we should read
some more Marxist-Leninist works.” This brings up a most important
question: What is the class nature of “people like Lin Piao”? What is the
social basis that engendered the Lin Piao anti-Party clique? Undoubtedly a
clear understanding of this question, is fully necessary for consolidating
the dictatorship of the proletariat and preventing capitalist restoration
and for firmly implementing the Party's basic line for the historical period
of socialism and creating step by step conditions in which it will be
impossible for the bourgeoisie to exist, or for a new bourgeoisie to arise.
同一切修正主义者和修正主义思潮一样，林彪及其修正主义路线不是一种偶然的现象。
林彪及其死党在全党、全军和全国人民中是极其孤立的，但产生出这一伙极端孤立的“
天马行空”、“独往独来”的人物，却有它深刻的社会基础。
As in the case of all other revisionists and revisionist trends of thought,
the appearance of Lin Piao and his revisionist line was not accidental. Lin
Piao and his sworn followers were extremely isolated in the whole Party, in
the whole army and among the people of the whole country; but there is a
deep-rooted class basis in society that engendered this bunch of extremely
isolated persons who described themselves as ”heavenly horses flying
through the skies, solitary and free.”
林彪反党集团代表了被打倒的地主资产阶级的利益，代表了被打倒的反动派推翻无产阶
级专政、复辟资产阶级专政的愿望，这一点，是比较清楚的。林彪反党集团反对无产阶
级文化大革命，对我国无产阶级专政的社会主义制度怀着刻骨的仇恨，诬蔑为“封建专
制”，咒骂为“当代的秦始皇”。他们要使地、富、反、坏、右“政治上、经济上得到
真正解放”，即在政治上经济上变无产阶级专政为地主买办资产阶级专政，变社会主义
制度为资本主义制度。作为力图复辟的资产阶级在党内的代理人，林彪反党集团向党和
无产阶级专政进攻达到了很疯狂的程度，直到搞特务组织和策划反革命武装政变。这种
疯狂性，反映了丧失政权和生产资料的反动派，为了夺回他们失去的剥削阶级的阵地，
必然要用尽一切他们所能采取的手段。我们看到了林彪在政治上、思想上破产以后，怎
样象一个亡命的赌徒一样想把无产阶级“吃掉”，孤注一掷，直到叛国投敌，毛主席、
党中央非常耐心的教育、等待、挽救也丝毫不能改变他的反革命本性。这都反映了无产
阶级专政下无产阶级同资产阶级两大对抗阶级的生死斗争，这种斗争会继续一个很长的
时期。只要还存在被打倒的反动阶级，党内（以及社会上）就有可能出现把复辟愿望变
为复辟行动的资产阶级代表人物。因此，要提高警惕，要警觉和粉碎国内外反动派的种
种阴谋，切不可麻痹大意。但是，这样认识还不是事物的全部。林彪反党集团不但代表
了被打倒的地主资产阶级复辟的愿望，而且代表了社会主义社会中新产生的资产阶级分
子篡权的愿望，他们身上具有新产生的资产阶级分子的某些特点，他们当中若干人本身
就是新产生的资产阶级分子，他们的某些口号适应和反映了资产阶级分子和想走资本主
义道路的人发展资本主义的需要。正是这后一个方面，需要我们进一步加以分析。
It is fairly clear that the Lin Piao anti-Party clique represented the
interests of the overthrown landlord and capitalist classes and the
aspirations of the overthrown reactionaries to topple the dictatorship of
the proletariat and restore the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. The Lin
Piao anti-Party clique opposed the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and
had inveterate hatred for the socialist system under the dictatorship of
the proletariat in our country, slandering it as ”feudal autocracy” and
cursing it as “Chin Shih Huang of the contemporary era.” They wanted the
landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements and
Rightists “to achieve genuine liberation politically and economically,” i.
e., politically and economically they wanted to turn the dictatorship of the
proletariat into a dictatorship of the landlord and comprador-capitalist
classes and the socialist system into capitalist system. As an agent in the
Party, an agent of the bourgeoisie working hard for a restoration, the Lin
Piao anti-Party clique was wild in its attack on the Party and the
dictatorship of the proletariat, so much so that it set up an organization
of secret agents and plotted a counter-revolutionary armed coup d'état.
Such frenzy is a reflection of the fact that the reactionaries who have lost
political power and the means of production inevitably will resort to every
means to recapture the lost positions of the exploiting classes. We have
seen how Lin Piao, after his political and ideological bankruptcy, tried to
“eat up” the proletariat by staking everything on a single cast as a
desperate gambler would do, and how he finally betrayed the country and fled
to defect to the enemy; despite the very patient education, waiting and
efforts to save him by Chairman Mao and the Party Central Committee, his
counter-revolutionary nature did not change in the least. All this reflects
the life-and-death struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the
two major antagonistic classes, under the dictatorship of the proletariat,
a struggle that will go on for a long period. As long as the overthrown
reactionary classes still exist, the possibility remains for the emergence
within the Party (and in society as well) of representatives of the
bourgeoisie who will try to turn their hope for restoration into attempt at
restoration. Therefore, we must heighten our vigilance and guard against and
smash any plot by the reactionaries at home and abroad, and on no account
must we slacken our vigilance. Such an understanding, however, still does
not embrace all aspects of the issue. The Lin Piao anti-Party clique
represented not only the hope of the overthrown landlord and capitalist
classes for a restoration but also the hope of the newly engendered
bourgeois elements in socialist society for usurping power. Members of this
clique had certain characteristics of newly engendered bourgeois elements,
and a number of them were in fact such elements. And some of their slogans
met and reflected the needs of the bourgeois elements and those wishing to
take the capitalist road in developing capitalism. It is precisely this
latter aspect that merits our further analysis.
毛主席指出：“列宁说，‘小生产是经常地、每日每时地、自发地和大批地产生着资本
主义和资产阶级的。’工人阶级一部分，党员一部分，也有这种情况。无产阶级中，机
关工作人员中，都有发生资产阶级生活作风的。”林彪反党集团中的某些人物就是这种
新产生出来的资产阶级和资本主义的代表。其中如林立果及其小“舰队”，就完全是在
社会主义社会中产生出来的反社会主义的资产阶级分子、反革命分子。
Chairman Mao has pointed out: “Lenin said, ‘Small production engenders
capitalism and the bourgeoisie continuously, daily, hourly, spontaneously,
and on a mass scale.’ This also occurs among a section of the workers and a
section of the Party members. Both within the ranks of the proletariat and
among the personnel of state organs, there are people who follow the
bourgeois style of life.” Some in the Lin Piao anti-Party clique were the
very representatives of such newly engendered bourgeoisie and capitalism.
Among them, Lin Li-kuo [Lin Piao's son] and his small ”fleet” [code name
for their secret agent organization] were out-and-out anti-socialist
bourgeois elements and counter-revolutionaries engendered in socialist
society.
资产阶级影响的存在，国际帝国主义、修正主义影响的存在，是产生新的资产阶级分子
的政治思想根源。而资产阶级法权的存在，则是产生新的资产阶级分子的重要的经济基
础。
The existence of bourgeois influence and the existence of the influence of
international imperialism and revisionism are the political and ideological
source of new bourgeois elements, while the existence of bourgeois right
provides the vital economic basis for their emergence.
列宁指出：“在共产主义社会的第一阶段（通常称为社会主义），‘资产阶级法权’没
有完全取消，而只是部分地取消，只是在已经实现的经济变革的范围内，也就是在对生
产资料的关系上取消。”“但是它在另一方面却依然存在，依然是社会各个成员间分配
产品和分配劳动的调节者（决定者）。‘不劳动者不得食’这个社会主义原则已经实现
了‘按等量劳动领取等量产品’这个社会主义原则也已经实现了。但是，这还不是共产
主义，还没有消除对不同等的人按不等量的（事实上是不等量的）劳动给予等量产品的
‘资产阶级法权’。”
Lenin pointed out: “In the first phase of communist society (usually called
Socialism) ‘bourgeois right’ is not abolished in its entirety, but only
in part, only in proportion to the economic revolution so far attained, i. e
., only in respect of the means of production.” “However, it continues to
exist as far as its other part is concerned; it continues to exist in the
capacity of regulator (determining factor) in the distribution of products
and the allotment of labor among the members of society. The socialist
principle: ‘He who does not work, neither shall he eat,’ is already
realized; the other socialist principle: ‘An equal amount of products for
an equal amount of labor,’ is also already realized. But this is not yet
Communism, and it does not yet abolish ‘bourgeois right,’ which gives to
unequal individuals, in return for unequal (really unequal) amounts of labor
, equal amounts of products.”
毛主席指出：“中国属于社会主义国家。解放前跟资本主义差不多。现在还实行八级工
资制，按劳分配，货币交换，这些跟旧社会没有多少差别。所不同的是所有制变更了。
”“我国现在实行的是商品制度，工资制度也不平等，有八级工资制，等等。这只能在
无产阶级专政下加以限制。”
Chairman Mao has pointed out: “China is a socialist country. Before
liberation, she was more or less like capitalism. Even now she practices an
eight-grade wage system, distribution to each according to his work and
exchange by means of money, which are scarcely different from these in the
old society. What is different is that the system of ownership has changed.
” “Our country at present practices a commodity system, and the wage
system is unequal too, there being the eight-grade wage system, etc. These
can only be restricted under the dictatorship of the proletariat.”
社会主义社会中，还存在全民所有制和集体所有制这两种社会主义所有制，这就决定了
我国现在实行的是商品制度。列宁和毛主席的分析都告诉我们，对于社会主义制度下在
分配和交换方面不可避免还存在的资产阶级法权，应当在无产阶级专政下加以限制，以
便在长期的社会主义革命过程中，逐步创造消灭这种差别的物质的和精神的条件。如果
不是这样，相反地，要求巩固、扩大、强化资产阶级法权及其所带来的那一部分不平等
，那就必然会产生两极分化的现象，即少数人在分配方面通过某种合法及大量非法的途
径占有越来越多的商品和货币，被这种“物质刺激”刺激起来的资本主义发财致富、争
名夺利的思想就会泛滥起来，化公为私、投机倒把、贪污腐化、盗窃行贿等现象也会发
展起来，资本主义的商品交换原则就会侵入到政治生活以及党内生活，瓦解社会主义计
划经济，就会产生把商品和货币转化为资本和把劳动力当作商品的资本主义剥削行为，
就会在某些执行修正主义路线的部门和单位改变所有制的性质，压迫和剥削劳动人民的
情况就会重新发生。其结果，在党员、工人、富裕农民、机关工作人员中都会产生少数
完全背叛无产阶级和劳动人民的新的资产阶级分子、暴发户。工人同志说得好：“你不
限制资产阶级法权，资产阶级法权就要限制社会主义的发展，助长资本主义的发展。”
而当资产阶级在经济上的力量发展到一定程度时，它的代理人就会要求政治上的统治，
要求推翻无产阶级专政和社会主义制度，要求全盘改变社会主义所有制，公开地复辟和
发展资本主义制度。新的资产阶级一上台，首先要血腥地镇压人民，并在上层建筑包括
各个思想文化领域中复辟资本主义，接着，他们就会按资本和权力的大小进行分配，“
按劳分配”只剩下一个外壳，一小撮垄断了生产资料的新生资产阶级分子同时垄断了消
费品和其他产品的分配大权。－－这就是今天在苏联已经发生的复辟过程。
In socialist, society, there still exist two kinds of socialist ownership,
namely, ownership by the whole social people and collective ownership. This
determines that China at present practices a commodity system. The analyses
made by Lenin and Chairman Mao tell us that bourgeois right which inevitably
exists as regards distribution and exchange under the socialist system
should be restricted under the dictatorship of the proletariat, so that in
the long course of the socialist revolution the three major differences
between workers and peasants, between town and country and between manual
and mental labor will gradually be narrowed and the discrepancies between
the various grades will be reduced and the material and ideological
conditions for closing such gaps will gradually be created. If we do not
follow this course, but call instead for the consolidation, extension and
strengthening of bourgeois right and that part of inequality it entails, the
inevitable result will be polarization, i.e., a small number of people will
in the course of distribution acquire increasing amounts of commodities and
money through certain legal channels and numerous illegal ones; capitalist
ideas of amassing fortunes and craving for personal fame and gain,
stimulated by such “material incentives,” will spread unchecked; such
phenomena as turning public property into private property, speculation,
graft and corruption, theft and bribery will rise; the capitalist principle
of the exchange of commodities will make its way into political life send
even into Party life, undermine the socialist planned economy and give rise
to such acts of capitalist exploitation as the conversion of commodities and
money into capital and labor power into a commodity; and there will be a
change in the nature of the system of ownership in certain departments and
units which follow the revisionist line; and instances of oppression and
exploitation of the laboring people will once again occur. As a result, a
small number of new bourgeois elements and upstarts who have totally
betrayed the proletariat and the laboring people will emerge from among
Party members, workers, well-to-do peasants and personnel in state organs.
Our worker-comrades have put it well: “If bourgeois right is not restricted
, it will check the development of socialism and aid the growth of
capitalism.” When the economic strength of the bourgeoisie grows to a
certain extent, its agents will ask for political rule, try to overthrow the
dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist system, completely change
the socialist ownership, and openly restore and develop the capitalist
system. Once in power, the new bourgeoisie will first of all carry out a
bloody suppression of the people and restore capitalism in the
superstructure, including all spheres of ideology and culture; then they
will conduct distribution in proportion to the amount of capital and power
each has, and the principle “to each according to his work” will be
nothing but an empty shell, and a handful of new bourgeois elements
monopolizing the means of production will at the same time monopolize the
power of distributing consumer goods and other products. Such is the process
of restoration that has already taken place in the Soviet Union.
林彪反党集团如何不择手段地聚敛财富，如何穷奢极欲地追求资产阶级的生活方式，如
何利用资产阶级法权为自己干种种见不得人的阴险丑恶的勾当，人们已揭发批判了很多
。但更能说明问题的是反革命政变计划《“571工程”纪要》，这个计划中，林彪反党
集团用以煽动或挑拨各个阶级中某些人反对无产阶级专政的，不是别的，正是资产阶级
法权思想。或者说，这个计划中所代表的阶级利益，除了老的资产阶级之外，正是一部
分新的资产阶级分子，以及少数想得用资产阶级法权发展资本主义的人。因而它攻击的
矛头便对准了毛主席的无产阶级革命路线，因而它特别仇恨我国无产阶级专政下通过社
会主义革命对资产阶级法权进行的某些限制。
As regards the way the Lin Piao anti-Party clique stooped to anything to
amass riches, insatiably pursued the bourgeois way of life and used
bourgeois right to carry out insidious, unsavory and vile activities, many
instances have been brought to light and subjected to criticism. But even
more illustrative is its program for a counter-revolutionary coup d'état,
Outline of Project “571,” in which the Lin Piao anti-Party clique used
precisely the idea of bourgeois right, and not anything else, to abet or
incite certain people of various classes to oppose the dictatorship of the
proletariat. In other words, the class interests the program represents, in
addition to the interests of the old bourgeoisie, are precisely the
interests of a number of new bourgeois elements and a few people who want to
use bourgeois right to develop capitalism. This explains why the program
directs its attack on Chairman Mao’s proletarian revolutionary line and why
it shows particularly bitter hatred for certain restrictions placed on
bourgeois right through the socialist revolution under the dictatorship of
the proletariat in our country.
对于机关干部参加五．七干校，林彪反党集团诬蔑为“变相失业”；精简机构，接近群
众，被他们攻击为打击干部。他们认为干部应当是骑在人民头上的老爷，所以一参加集
体生产劳动就变成“失业”。这是挑动机关工作人员中一部分想扩大资产阶级法权，做
官当老爷、有严重资产阶级生活作风的人，反对党的路线，反对社会主义制度。
The Lin Piao anti-Party clique slandered office cadres going to May 7th
cadre schools as ”unemployment in a disguised form”; it vilified
simplifying administrative set-ups and maintaining close relations with the
masses as an attack on cadres. It held that cadres should be overlords
sitting on the backs of the people and, therefore, they become “unemployed
” once they take part in collective productive labor. This was designed to
incite a section of the office workers -- those who wish to extend bourgeois
right, seek official posts and become overlords and those who are seriously
infected with the bourgeois style of life -- to oppose the Party’s line
and the socialist system.
对于知识分子同工农相结合，上山下乡，林彪反党集团诬蔑为“等于变相劳改”。一批
又一批有共产主义觉悟的青年生气勃勃地奔赴农村，这是对缩小三大差别、限资产阶级
法权有深远意义的伟大事业，一切革命的人们都热情赞扬它，而受了资产阶级思想侵蚀
特别是受资产阶级法权思想束缚的人则反对它。能不能支持知识青年同工农结合，直接
联系到大学教育革命能不能坚持走上海机床厂道路，学生不但从工农中来，而且回到工
农中去。林彪反党集团对此特别仇恨，不但表现了他们同劳动人民的对立，而且也暴露
了他们利用资产阶级法权向党进攻，妄图煽动一部分受资产阶级法权思想影响较深的人
，反对社会主义革命。他们的纲领是扩大城市同农村之间、脑力劳动同体力劳动之间的
差别，把知识青年变成新的贵族阶层，想以此来争取某些受资产阶级法权思想影响较深
的人对他们反革命政变的支持。
The Lin Piao anti-Party clique slandered intellectuals integrating
themselves with the workers and peasants and going to the countryside as “
reform through forced labor in a disguised form.” Young people, full of
vigor and imbued with communist consciousness, have gone group after group
to the countryside. This is a great undertaking of far-reaching significance
for narrowing the three major differences and for restricting bourgeois
right. All revolutionary people enthusiastically praise it, but those
corrupted by bourgeois ideology, and particularly those fettered by the idea
of bourgeois right, oppose it. Whether the integration of educated young
people with the workers and peasants is upheld or not has a direct bearing
on whether the revolution in university education can be carried on by
following the road taken by the Shanghai Machine Tool Plant -- enrolling
students from among the workers and peasants and assigning them to work
among workers and peasants upon graduation. The Lin Piao anti-Party clique's
special hatred of this not only showed its opposition to the laboring
people but also exposed its scheme to use bourgeois right to attack the
Party in an attempt to incite some people deeply influenced by the idea of
bourgeois right to oppose the socialist revolution. Its program was aimed at
widening the gap between town and country and between manual and mental
labor, and turning educated young people into a new stratum of elite, so as
to win the support of those deeply influenced by the idea of bourgeois right
for its counter-revolutionary coup d'état.
对于工人阶级发扬共产主义精神，批判修正主义的“物质刺激”，林彪反党集团诬蔑为
“变相受剥削”。林彪是“物质刺激”狂热的鼓吹者，他在黑笔记中就亲笔写下了“物
质刺激还是必要的”、“唯物主义=物质刺激”、“诱：以官，禄，德”之类的修正主
义黑话。林彪反党集团的一个主要成员也在黑笔记中写道：“按劳分配和物质利益原则
”是发展生产的“决定动力”。他们表面上是主张用钞票去“刺激”工人，实际上是想
无限止地扩大工人的等级差别，在工人阶级中培养和收买一小部分背叛无产阶级专政、
也背叛无产阶级利益的特殊阶层，分裂工人阶级的团结。他们用资产阶级世界观腐蚀工
人，又妄图把工人阶级中一小部分受资产阶级法权思想影响较深的人，作为支持他们反
无产阶级专政的力量之一。林彪一伙“特别”注意用“工资”来引诱“青年工人”，所
谓“诱：以官，禄，德”就是他们的阴谋诡计，这从反面告诉我们：青年工人特别是当
了的干部的青年工人，必须自觉地抵制资产阶级的物质引诱和各种资产阶级法权思想的
捧场，要保持和发扬共产主义的为无产阶级和全人类彻底解放而英勇奋斗的革命精神，
要努力用马列主义世界观武装自己，切不可被商品、货币交换、庸俗的捧场、阿谀奉承
、宗派主义之类的花花世界弄昏了头脑，以致上了林彪一类政治骗子或社会上地主资产
阶级分子的当。他们以“关心”为名，实则“刺激”青年工人走资本主义道路，可以说
是一种政治上的“教唆犯”。缺少经验的新产生的资产阶级分子在前面违法乱纪，老奸
巨猾的老资产阶级分子躲在后面出谋划策，这是今天社会阶级斗争中经常见到的一种现
象。我们在处理被腐蚀的青少年罪犯时特别着重打击幕后教唆犯，这个方针要坚持下去
。在现实斗争中已经涌现出了一批同资产阶级腐蚀进行旗帜鲜明斗争的青年工人，应当
支持他们，总结他们的斗争经验。
The Lin Piao anti-Party clique smeared as “exploitation in a disguised form
” the communist spirit displayed by the working class in criticizing, the
revisionist “material incentives.” Lin Piao was a fanatic advocate of “
material incentives.” He wrote in his sinister notebook such revisionist
trash as “material incentives are still necessary” “materialism =
material incentives,” “inducements -- official post, emolument, favor.” A
principal member of the Lin Piao anti-Party clique also wrote that “the
principle of to each according to his work and of material benefit” was the
“decisive motive force” in promoting production. On the face of it, they
advocated using money to “stimulate” the workers, but actually they wanted
to widen without any limit the differences in grade among the workers in
order to foster and buy over a small section of the working class, turn it
into a privileged stratum which betrays the proletarian dictatorship and the
interests of the proletariat, and split the unity of the working class.
They tried to corrupt the workers with the bourgeois world outlook and use
the small number of workers who are deeply influenced by the idea of
bourgeois right as a force in support of their opposition to the
dictatorship of the proletariat. Lin Piao and company attached “particular
importance” to using “wages” to lure “young workers,” and their “
inducements -- official post, emolument, favor” were a sinister scheme.
This shows us by negative example that young, workers, particularly those
who have become cadres, must consciously reject the material inducements of
the bourgeoisie and the flattery offered them in various forms by the idea
of bourgeois, right. They must maintain and bring into play the communist
revolutionary spirit of fighting valiantly for the complete emancipation of
the proletariat and the whole of mankind and strive to arm themselves with
the Marxist-Leninist world outlook; they must never be dazzled and become
light-headed by the varicolored world of commodities, exchange by means of
money, vulgar flattery, sycophancy and factionalism, so as not to be taken
in by political swindlers like Lin Piao or by the landlord and bourgeois
elements in society. Under the cloak of “showing concern,” all these
persons are actually giving the young workers “incentives” to lure them to
take the capitalist road, and they could thus be called political “
abettors.” Inexperienced newly engendered bourgeois elements openly break
the law while cunning bourgeois elements of long standing direct them from
behind the scenes -- this is a common occurrence in class struggle in the
society today. We lay special emphasis on hitting the backstage abettors in
dealing with corrupted young people who have committed crimes. We must
continue to adhere to this principle. Quite a number of young workers who
take a clear-cut stand in the fight against bourgeois corruption have come
to the fore in present-day struggles; we must support them and sum up their
experience in struggle.
林彪反党集团还诬蔑农民“缺吃少穿”，诬蔑部队干部“生活水平下降”，诬蔑红卫兵
在文化大革命中批判资产阶级那种敢想、敢说、敢闯、敢做、敢革命的精神是“被利用
”……这一切，无不是想从根本上否定社会主义制度和党的群众路线，否定无产阶级对
资产阶级的专政，扩大资产阶级法权，复辟资本主义。他们诬蔑农民“缺吃少穿”，其
目的是煽动农民搞“吃光分光”，瓦解和取消社会主义集体经济。如果照这条路线去做
，其结果，是少数人上升为新资产阶级，绝大多数人受资本主义剥削，这是地主、富农
和农村中一部分走资本主义道路的富裕中农所盼望的那样一种局面。
The Lin Piao anti-Party clique also vilified that the peasants “lack food
and clothing,” that “the living standards” of cadres in the armed forces
“are deteriorating,” and that the Red Guards who displayed the spirit of
daring to think, speak, blaze a trail, act and make revolution in
criticizing the bourgeoisie during the Great Cultural Revolution “are being
hoodwinked and used”…. All this was aimed at totally negating the
socialist system and the Party's mass line, negating the dictatorship of the
proletariat over the bourgeoisie, extending bourgeois right and restoring
capitalism. In spreading, the slander that peasants “lack food and clothing
,” the Lin Piao anti-Party clique aimed at inciting the peasants to “eat
up and divide everything” so as to undermine and liquidate the socialist
collective economy. If things were done along this line, a small number of
people would become the new bourgeoisie while the overwhelming majority
would suffer capitalist exploitation. And this would be a situation the
landlords, rich peasants and a part of well-to-do middle peasants taking the
capitalist road in the countryside yearned for.
现在我们可以看到林彪所谓“建设真正的社会主义”是什么东西了。这就是在社会主义
招牌下扩大资产阶级法权，使新的资产阶级分子和某些想走资本主义道路的派别和集团
，同被打倒的地主资产阶级相勾结，“指挥一切、调动一切”，推翻无产阶级专政，复
辟资本主义。林彪一类人物则是他们的政治代表。林彪反党集团在《“571工程”纪要
》中提出的这些纲领，既不是从天上掉下来的，也不是他们自封为“超天才”的头脑中
所固有的，而是社会存在的反映。确切地说，从他们的资产阶级反动立场出发，他们反
映了只占人口百分之几的没有改造好的地、富、反、坏、右的要求，反映了少数新的资
产阶级分子和想利用资产阶级法权上升为新资产阶级分子的人的要求，而反对占人口百
分之九十以上的革命人民坚持社会主义道路的要求。他们用唯心论的先验论反对唯物论
的反映论，然而他们本身反革命思想的形成却必须用唯物论的反映论来说明。
By now we can see what Lin Piao meant by “building genuine socialism.” It
meant the extension of bourgeois right under the signboard of socialism so
that new bourgeois elements and certain factions and groupings intending to
take the capitalist road could, in collusion with the overthrown landlord
and capitalist classes, “have everything under their command and everything
at their disposal,” overthrow the dictatorship of the proletariat and
restore capitalism. Lin Piao and his like were their political
representatives. The program advanced by the Lin Piao anti-Party clique in
Outline of Project “571” neither dropped from the skies nor was it innate
in the minds of those who described themselves as “super-geniuses”; it was
a reflection of social being. To be exact, this clique which proceeded from
its reactionary bourgeois stand reflected the demands of unreformed
landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements and
Rightists -- who account for only a few per cent of the population -- and
the demands of a small number of new bourgeois elements and those intending
to make use of bourgeois right to become new bourgeois elements. On the
other hand, it opposed the demands of the revolutionary people, who make up
more than 90 per cent of the population, to adhere to the socialist road.
Members of this clique used idealist apriorism to oppose the materialist
theory of reflection; however, the materialist theory of reflection must be
used to explain how their counter-revolutionary ideas came into being.
为什么林彪一类上台搞资本主义制度很容易呢？就因为我们社会主义社会中还存在阶级
和阶级斗争，还存在产生资本主义的土壤和条件。为了逐步减少这种土壤和条件，直到
最后消灭它，就必须坚持无产阶级专政下的继续革命。这是在毛主席革命路线指引下的
无产阶级先锋队，经过好几代人坚韧不拔的努力才能完成的任务。这就必须坚持党的基
本路线，提高工人阶级的政治觉悟，巩固工农联盟，团结一切可以团结的力量，并团结
和领导广大革命群众在同阶级敌人的斗争和三大革命运动的实践中自觉地改造自己的世
界观。这就必须巩固和发展社会主义的全民所有制和劳动群众集体所有制，防止在所有
制方面已被取消的资产阶级法权复辟，继续在较长时间内逐步完成所有制改造方面尚未
完成的那一部分任务；并在生产关系的其他两个方面，即人与人相互关系和分配关系方
面，限制林彪反党集团，批判资产阶级法权思想，不断削弱产生资本主义的基础。这就
必须坚持上层建筑领域中的革命，深入批判修正主义，批判资产阶级，实现无产阶级对
资产阶级的全面专政。
Why would it be quite easy for people like Lin Piao to push the capitalist
system if they should come to power? This is because in our socialist
society there are still classes and class struggle, there are still the soil
and conditions for engendering capitalism. In order to gradually reduce
such soil and conditions and finally eliminate them altogether, we must
persevere in continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the
proletariat. This is a task which the vanguard of the proletariat, guided by
Chairman Mao's revolutionary line, can accomplish only through the firm and
indomitable efforts of a number of generations. So we must adhere to the
Party's basic line, enhance the political consciousness of the working class
, consolidate the worker-peasant alliance, unite all forces that can be
united with and unite the masses of revolutionary people and lead them in
consciously remolding their world outlook in the fight against class enemies
and in the three great revolutionary movements of class struggle, the
struggle for production and scientific experiment. And so we must
consolidate and develop socialist ownership by the whole people and
socialist collective ownership by working people, prevent the restoration of
bourgeois right already liquidated with regard to the system of ownership
and continue to fulfill, gradually and over a fairly long period of time,
that part of the task which is yet to be fulfilled in the transformation of
ownership; and with regard to the two other aspects in the relations of
production, namely, the mutual relations between men and the relations of
distribution, we must restrict bourgeois right, criticize the idea of
bourgeois right and continually weaken the basis that engenders capitalism.
So we must persevere in the revolution in the realm of the superstructure,
deepen our criticism of revisionism and the bourgeoisie and achieve the all-
round dictatorship of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie.
毛主席在一九七一年八月至九月巡视各地的谈话中说过：“我们唱了五十年国际歌了，
我们党有人搞了十次分裂。我看还可能搞十次、二十次、三十次，你们信不信？你们不
信，反正我信。到了共产主义就没有斗争了？我就不信。到了共产主义也还是有斗争的
，只是新与旧，正确与错误的斗争就是了。几万年以后，错误的也不行，也是站不住的
。”列宁说过：“是的，我们推翻了地主和资产阶级，扫清了道路，但是我们还没有建
成社会主义大厦。旧的一代被清除了，而在这块土壤上还会不断产生新的一代，因为这
块土壤过去产生过、现在还在产生许许多多资产者。有些人象小私有者一样看待对资本
家的胜利，他们说：‘资本家已经捞了一把，现在该轮到我了。’可见他们每一个人都
是产生新的一代资产者的根源。”列宁说的是社会主义阶级斗争的长期性，毛主席说的
是这种斗争反映在党内而形成两条路线斗争的长期性。我们必须经过这种阶级斗争和路
线斗争，不断战胜资产阶级及其代表人物搞修正主义、搞分裂、搞阴谋诡计的行动，才
能逐步造成资产阶级既不能存在也不能再产生的条件，最后消灭阶级，而这正是无产阶
级专政的整个历史时代要完成的伟大事业。
In his talks given during an inspection tour of various places in the
country in August and September 1971, Chairman Mao said: “We have been
singing The Internationale for fifty years, and there have been ten
occasions on which someone in our Party worked for a split. As I see it,
another ten, twenty or thirty such occasions may arise. Don't you believe
this? Well, if you don't, I do anyway. There will be no more struggles with
the realization of communism? That's not what I believe. There will be
struggles even then, although they will be struggles between the new and the
old, between what is correct and what is wrong. Even tens of thousands of
years from now, what is wrong won't pass, it won't stand up.” Lenin said:
“Yes, by overthrowing the landowners and bourgeoisie we cleared the way but
we did not build the edifice of socialism. On the ground cleared of one
bourgeois generation, new generations continually appear in history, as long
as the ground gives rise to them, and it does give rise to any number of
bourgeois. As for those who look at the victory over the capitalists in the
way that the petty proprietors look at it -- ‘They grabbed, let me have a
go too’ -- indeed, every one of them is the source of a new generation of
bourgeois.” What Lenin dealt with is the protracted nature of class
struggle in society; what Chairman Mao deals with is the protracted nature
of the two-line struggle which takes shape as a reflection in the Party of
class struggle in society. We must carry out such class struggle and two-
line struggle and continually defeat the bourgeoisie and its agents working
for revisionism, for a split and for intrigues and conspiracy; only thus can
we gradually create conditions in which it will be impossible for the
bourgeoisie to exist or for a new bourgeoisie to arise, and finally
eliminate classes. Such is the great cause to be accomplished during the
entire historical period of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
由于资产阶级思想腐蚀和资产阶级法权存在而产生出来的新资产阶级分子，一般都具有
两面派和暴发户的政治特点。为了在无产阶级专政下进行资本主义活动，他们总是要打
着某种社会主义的招牌；由于他们的复辟活动不是夺回自己丧失的生产资料而是要夺取
他们未曾占有过的生产资料，因而表现特别贪婪，恨不得一下子把属于全国人民所有或
集体所有的财富吞下肚子里去，化为私有制。林彪反党集团即具有这种政治特点。“子
系中山狼，得志便猖狂”，是《红楼梦》刻画“应酬权变”而又野蛮毒辣的孙绍祖的两
句诗，用来移赠林彪反党集团，是颇为适合的。当林彪在“得志”即掌握一部分政治经
济大权之前，他用反革命两面派的手段欺骗党、欺骗群众，并利用群众运动的力量为自
己的目的服务，为此他可以打出革命的招牌或喊出革命的口号，同时又加以歪曲。毛主
席在文化大革命初期写的一封信中分析林彪一伙的内心世界时指出：“我猜他们的本意
，为了打鬼，借助钟馗。”是很能说明这种现象的。“借助”，就是敲门砖，等到他们
的目的达到之后，便不要这个“借助”，而要反过头来恶狠狠地搞掉这个“借助”了。
反革命两面派也好，或者用林彪反党集团自己招供的话，“打着毛主席的旗号打击毛主
席的力量”也好，都是同一类做法的不同说法。等到林彪反党集团如他们自己刻画的那
样，自以为“经过几年准备，在思想上、组织上、军事上的水平都有相当提高。具有一
定的思想和物质基础”时，他们就要猖狂起来了。他们在自己把持、控制的单位、部门
，变社会主义公有制为林彪反党集团私有制，他们暴露出越来越露骨的政治野心，这种
野心会随着他们“得志”的程度而膨胀，正同资产阶级的贪欲会随着资本积累的增长而
发展一样，永不会有止境。马克思分析资产阶级时说过：“当作资本家，他只是人格化
的资本。他的灵魂，便是资本的灵魂。”林彪作为资产阶级在党内的代理人，他的灵魂
也只是已被打倒而梦想复辟以及正在产生而妄想统治的老的和新的资产阶级的灵魂。从
阶级分析出发，林彪一伙那些倒行逆施的反革命政治活动的根源便很清楚了：他们鼓吹
孔孟之道，他们背叛党、背叛中国人民而投靠社会帝国主义，正是尊孔卖国的中国买办
资产阶级干过的勾当，而他们狂热地策划反革命政变，也不过重复世界上许多国家的资
产阶级使用过无数次并至今还在使用的手段罢了。
The new bourgeois elements who arise as a result of erosion by bourgeois
ideas and the existence of bourgeois right generally share the political
features of double-dealers and upstarts. In order to carry out capitalist
activities under the dictatorship of the proletariat, they always put up a
certain socialist signboard; since their restorationist activities aim not
at seizing back any means of production of which they have been dispossessed
but at grabbing the means of production they have never possessed, they are
especially greedy, anxious to swallow at one gulp the wealth belonging to
the whole people or the collective and place it under their private
ownership. The Lin Piao anti-Party clique had these political features. “
Like the Chungshan wolf in the ancient fable, you commit treachery once you
are in a position to have your own way.” These two lines from The Dream of
the Red Chamber, which describe how Sun Shao-tsu, a relentless brute, “
stoops to anything to adapt himself to the circumstances,” can be aptly
applied to the Lin Piao anti-Party clique. Before Lin Piao was “in a
position to have his own way,” that is, before he got hold of part of
political and economic power, he used counter-revolutionary double-dealing
tactics to deceive the Party and the masses, and utilized the might of the
mass movement to serve his own ends; in doing this, he did not scruple at
putting up a revolutionary sign-board or shouting revolutionary slogans
while at the same time distorting them. Analyzing the innermost feelings of
Lin Piao and his gang in a letter written in the early days of the Great
Cultural Revolution, Chairman Mao pointed out: “I guess their true
intention is to make use of Chung Kuei to fight the ghosts.” [Chung Kuei is
a legendary character said to have the power to drive away ghosts.] This
put the case well. It was a case of making use of a brick to knock open the
door, and once that was done they would no longer need it and would brutally
get rid of it. Acting as counter-revolutionary double-dealers, opposing the
red flag by waving red flags, “speaking nice things to your face but
stabbing you in the back,” or, as the Lin Piao anti-Party clique itself
confessed, “waving Chairman Mao's banner to strike at Chairman Mao's forces
” -- these are but different ways of expressing things done in one and the
same manner. The moment the Lin Piao anti-Party clique thought, as they put
it, that “after several years of preparation, the ideological,
organizational and military level has been raised considerably and an
ideological and material foundation has been laid to a certain extent,”
they decided to have their own way. In units and departments under their
domination and control, they turned socialist public ownership into the Lin
Piao anti-Party clique's private ownership. More and more openly they
exposed their political ambitions which were sure to grow as they were more
and more “in a position to have their own way,” just as the bourgeoisie's
avarice knows no bounds and grows with the accumulation of capital. In
analyzing the bourgeoisie, Marx said: “As capitalist, he is only capital
personified. His soul is the soul of capital.” The soul of Lin Piao, a
bourgeois agent inside the Party, was also nothing but the soul of the old
bourgeoisie which has been toppled but dreams of a come-back and the soul of
the new bourgeoisie which is coming into being and is vainly attempting to
rule. A class analysis makes quite clear the root cause of the perverse,
counter-revolutionary political activities of Lin Piao said his gang:
Preaching the doctrines of Confucius and Mencius, betraying the Party and
the Chinese people and going over to social-imperialism, they were engaged
in the same kind of dirty business as the Chinese comprador-bourgeoisie
which worshipped Confucius and betrayed the country; as to the counter-
revolutionary coup d'état they so feverishly plotted, it was only a carbon
copy of the method the bourgeoisie of many countries in the world has
resorted to numerous times and still resorts to even to this day.
我们的任务，就是一方而要逐步地削弱资产阶级和资本主义产生的土壤；另一方面，当
林彪一类新的资产阶级产生出来或正在产生的时候能及时地识别他们。学习马克思主义
、列宁主义、毛泽东思想的积极性就在这里。离开马克思主义的指导，我们不可能完成
上述两个方面的任务；而且当修正主义思潮出来时还会由于自己有资产阶级法权思想或
分辨不清而上当受骗，甚至糊里糊涂地上了贼船。不然，为什么一条修正主义出来会有
人跟着走呢？为什么林彪一伙在九届二中全会上可以用唯心论加起哄来骗人呢？为什么
林彪反党集团那些赤裸裸的分裂党、推翻无产阶级专政的话会在少数干部中找到市场呢
？为什么大、小“舰队”可以明目张胆地把请客送礼、封官许愿之类作为拉山头、搞宗
派、耍阴谋的手段呢？为什么他们在黑笔记中要把“用技术掩盖政治”之类作为自己反
革命活动的策略呢？这当中有深刻的教训。一九五九年反对彭德怀反党集团时，毛主席
曾经指出，“现在，主要危险是经验主义”，因此要认真读书，这十几年来，毛主席多
次重复了这个意见，毛主席强调党的高中级干部首先是中央委员，“都应程度不同地认
真看书学习，弄通马克思主义”，并强调“这几年应当特别注意宣传马、列”，林彪反
党集团垮台以后又再次说“我正式劝同志们读一点书”，最近讲无产阶级专政时又再一
次强调了这一条。这些语重心长的谆谆教导，我们感到多么亲切啊！全党同志特别是高
级干部，一定要把这件事当作关系到巩固无产阶级专政的大事来抓，对马、列和毛主席
关于无产阶级专政的有关论述和主要著作，首先要自己学好，搞清楚，力求从理论和实
践的结合上说明问题，力求从思想和行动上打掉那些脱离群众的资产阶级思想作风，和
群众打成一片，真正做社会主义新生事物的促进派，善于分辨和敢于抵制资本主义的腐
蚀。我们党几十年来形成的艰苦奋斗的光荣传统，一定要发扬和继承下去。要了解情况
，研究政策，包括经济政策。抓革命，促生产，促工作，促战备，行之有效，必须坚持
。要注意区别两类不同性质的矛盾，准确而有力地打击极少数坏人，对群众中的资本主
义影响，要根据“团结－批评－团结”的公式，主要采取学习和提高觉悟的方法，支持
坚决抵制资本主义的先进事物的方法，回忆对比的方法，说服教育、批评和自我批评的
方法去解决，做到团结两个百分之九十五。批判资本主义倾向要形成舆论，争取多数，
启发自觉，积极引导。对个别陷在资本主义泥坑里很深的人，要向他猛喝一声：“同志
，赶快回头！”
Our task is, on the one hand, to gradually dig away the soil breeding the
bourgeoisie and capitalism and, on the other, to be able to see through in
good time the new bourgeoisie like Lin Piao when it appears or is emerging.
This is why the study of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought is important.
If we depart from the guidance of Marxism, we cannot accomplish the above-
mentioned two tasks; moreover, when a revisionist trend of thought surfaces,
one may be taken in and may even blindly board the gangsters' boat because
of the idea of bourgeois right in one's own mind or because of failure to
discern it. If this was not so, why did some people follow a revisionist
line when it emerged? Why could Lin Piao and company deceive people at the
Second Plenary Session of the Ninth Central Committee of the Party by
resorting to idealism plus raising a big hullabaloo? Why could those naked
words of the Lin Piao anti-Party clique aimed at splitting the Party and
overthrowing the dictatorship of the proletariat find a market among a small
number of cadres? Why could the “fleets,” big and small, openly use such
methods as giving feasts and presenting gifts, offering official posts and
other favors as a means for luring people over to form a clique, for
carrying out factional activities and for conspiring? Why did they write in
their sinister notebooks such trash as “using expertise to cover up
politics” and use it as their tactics for carrying out counter-
revolutionary activities? There is a profound lesson here. In opposing the
Peng Teh-huai anti-Party clique in 1959, Chairman Mao pointed out that “at
present, the main danger lies in empiricism.” Therefore we should read and
study conscientiously. In the past decade and more, Chairman Mao has
reiterated this opinion on many occasions. He stressed that high-ranking and
intermediate Party cadres, first of all members of the Party Central
Committee, “should all conscientiously read and study according to their
different levels and have a good grasp of Marxism.” He also stressed that
“in the next few years, special attention should be paid to propagating
Marxism-Leninism.” After the collapse of the Lin Piao anti-Party clique,
Chairman Mao once again said: “I formally advise comrades to do some
reading.” And he again stressed this recently when he spoke of the
dictatorship of the proletariat. How heartening these earnest and
significant teachings are! All comrades in the Party, especially the high-
ranking cadres, must grasp conscientious study and reading as a matter of
cardinal importance in consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat.
First of all, they must themselves study well and thoroughly understand the
expositions by Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin and by Chairman Mao and their
main works on the dictatorship of the proletariat, strive to explain the
question by integrating theory with practice and rid themselves, both
ideologically and in action, of the bourgeois ideas and styles of work which
are divorced from the masses, so as to identify themselves with the masses,
really become promoters of the new emerging socialist things and be good at
discerning and daring to resist corrosion by capitalism. We must inherit
and carry forward our Party's glorious tradition of plain living and arduous
struggle which has been developed over the past decades. We must have a
clear understanding of the situation and study policies, including economic
policies. It is imperative to adhere to the principle of grasping revolution
and promoting production and other work and preparedness against war, a
principle which has proved effective in practice. Attention should be paid
to distinguishing between the two different types of contradictions and
dealing accurate and powerful blows at the very small number of bad elements
; as regards the bourgeois influence among the masses, it should be
eliminated by applying the formula “unity, criticism, unity” -- mainly by
such methods as studying and raising consciousness, supporting advanced
things which are firmly opposed to capitalism, recalling past suffering and
contrasting it with today's happiness as well as persuading and educating
people and making criticism and self-criticism, all for the purpose of
uniting 95 per cent of the cadres and of the masses. In criticizing
capitalist tendencies, it is necessary to create public opinion, win aver
the majority, awaken consciousness and give active guidance. As for the few
who have sunk deep into the quagmire of capitalism, they must be told
sharply: “Comrades, mend your ways right now!”
我们在文章开头时曾指出：林彪反党集团在全国人民中是很孤立的。为了分析它产生的
阶级根源，我们指出了林彪反党集团得以产生的土壤和条件。在讲了这一面之后，我们
还必须指出：林彪反党集团在本质上是很虚弱的，同一切反动派一样，不过是纸老虎。
林彪反党集团的一切反革命活动，只不过记录了它的失败和困境，而不是记录它的胜利
。社会主义制度一定要代替资本主义制度，共产主义一定会在全世界取得胜利，这是不
以人们意志为转移的客观规律。社会主义社会是从旧社会脱胎而来的，“因此它在各方
面，在经济、道德和精神方面都还带着它脱胎出来的那个旧社会的痕迹”。这并没有什
么奇怪。二十五年以来的历史告诉我们：只要我们坚持无产阶级专政，坚持毛主席无产
阶级专政下继续革命的学说，坚持毛主席给我们规定的社会主义革命的路线、方针和政
策，我们就能够粉碎阶级敌人的反抗，一步一步地减少这些痕迹，不断夺取新的胜利。
我们今天社会主义事业蒸蒸日上、欣欣向荣的大好形势，同帝国主义、社会帝国主义内
部四分五裂、内外交困，形成鲜明的对照。这一次毛主席提出的理论问题，必将从理论
实践上使我们进一步认识无产阶级专政的历史任务和完成这些任务的方法，大大促进无
产阶级专政的巩固，促地社会主义革命的深入和社会主义建设的发展，促进全国的安定
团结。中国的共产党人是有信心的，中国的无产阶级和革命人民是有信心的，他们正在
党的领导下团结一致意气风发地投入反修防修的斗争。中国革命的历史是革命人民经过
曲折斗争走向胜利的历史，也是反动派经过反复较量走向灭亡的历史。正如毛主席总结
的那样：“中国自从一九一一年皇帝被打倒以后，反动派当权总是不能长久的。最长的
不过二十年（蒋介石），人民一造反，他也倒了。蒋介石利用了孙中山对他的信任，又
开了一个黄埔学校，收罗了一大批反动派，由此起家。他一反共，几乎整个地主资产阶
级都拥护他，那时共产党又没有经验，所以他高兴地暂时地得势了。但这二十年中，他
从来没有统一过，国共两党的战争，国民党和各派军阀之间的战争，中日战争，最后是
四年大内战，他就滚到一群海岛上去了。中国如发生反共的右派政变，我断定他们也是
不得安宁的，很可能是短命的，因为代表百分之九十以上人民利益的一切革命者是不会
容忍的。”“结论：前途是光明的，道路是曲折的，还是这两句老话。”让我们沿着毛
主席指引的方向和道路奋勇前进吧！
As was pointed out at the beginning of this article, the Lin Piao anti-Party
clique was extremely isolated from the people of the whole country. In
tracing its emergence to the class roots, we pointed to the soil and
conditions which produced the Lin Piao anti-Party clique. After stating this
aspect of the matter, we must also point out that the Lin Piao anti-Party
clique was in essence very feeble; like all reactionaries, it was only a
paper tiger. All the counter-revolutionary activities of this clique
constituted only a record of defeat and impasse, not of victory. The
socialist system is bound to replace the capitalist system and communism is
bound to triumph throughout the world; this is an objective law independent
of man's will. Since socialist society is born out of the old society, it “
is thus in every respect, economically, morally and intellectuality, still
stamped with the birth marks of the old society from whose womb it emerges.
” This is not strange. The history of the past 25 years tells us that so
long as we uphold the dictatorship of the proletariat, adhere to Chairman
Mao's theory of continued revolution under the dictatorship of the
proletariat and keep to the line, principles and policies for the socialist
revolution which Chairman Mao has laid down for us, we are able to smash the
resistance put up by the class enemies, erase these birth marks step by
step and continually win fresh victories. The present excellent situation
marked by ever greater prosperity of our socialist cause is in sharp
contrast to the situation of imperialism and social-imperialism which are
disintegrating internally and beset with difficulties at home and abroad.
Chairman Mao's latest instruction on the question of theory will certainly
enable us, both in theory and in practice, to understand more fully the
historical tasks of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the ways to
accomplish them; it will greatly help consolidate the dictatorship of the
proletariat, deepen the socialist revolution, spur the development of
socialist construction and promote nationwide stability and unity. The
Communists of China are full of confidence, so are the proletariat and the
revolutionary people of the country. United as one and in high spirits, they
are waging a struggle under the leadership of the Party to combat and
prevent revisionism. The history of the Chinese revolution is a history of
the revolutionary people advancing to victory through tortuous struggles and
the reactionaries heading for destruction after repeated trials of strength
. As Chairman Mao has summed it up: “In China, after the emperor was
overthrown in 1911, no reactionary was able to stay long in power. The
longest was only twenty years (Chiang Kai-shek), but he was also toppled
once the people rose in revolt. Chiang Kai-shek climbed to power by taking
advantage of Sun Yat-sen's trust in him and by running the Whampoa Academy
and gathering around him a big bunch of reactionaries. Practically the whole
landlord class and bourgeoisie supported him when he turned against the
Communist Party. Moreover, the Communist Party was inexperienced at the time
. So, he gleefully gained temporary ascendancy. In those twenty years,
however, he never achieved unification. There occurred the war between the
Kuomintang and the Communist Party, the wars between the Kuomintang and the
various warlord cliques, the Sino-Japanese war and, finally, the four-year
large-scale civil war, which sent him scampering to a cluster of islands. If
the Rightists were to stage an anti-Communist coup d'état in China, I am
sure they would have no peace either and their rule would most probably be
short-lived, because it would never be tolerated by the revolutionaries who
represent the interests of the people constituting move than ninety per cent
of the population.” “The conclusion is still the two oft-repeated
sentences: The future is bright; the road is tortuous.” Let us advance
courageously in the direction and along the road pointed out by Chairman Mao!
（原载《红旗》杂志一九七五年第三期）
(A translation of an article in ”Hongqi,” No. 3, 1975) | w***u
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