r*******t 发帖数: 8550 | 1 美国2012年度《国防授权法》已经分别由美国国会众参两院通过。该法案经众参两院协
调后将提交给奥巴马。一旦奥巴马签字,该法案生效,美国公民的人身和民主权利将被
严重侵犯。该法案的实质是在法律上颠覆了美国资产阶级宪政民主制度,并为美国在未
来演变为一个独裁专制的警察国家奠定了法律基础。
美国2012年度《国防授权法》,一旦经总统签字生效,实际上就是敲响了我们的宪
政共和国的丧钟,同时标志着美国开始成为一个在法律上明文规定的警察国家。众议院
和参议院已经分别在今年5月26日和12月1日通过了该法案。现在,巴拉克·奥巴马,作
为一个宪法问题专家,将做出最后的决定。奥巴马将决定,他自己在哈佛大学曾经学习
和研究的《人权法案》,是否将被他亲自签字生效的法案所推翻。(译注:美国法律中
所说的《人权法案》指的是美国宪法中关于保护公民人身和政治权利的条款,即美国宪
法第一至第十修正案)
《国防授权法》的第1031条和第1032条规定,只要总统认为必要,政府就可以无限
期地拘禁美国公民,而不再需要经过指控和审判。根据该法案,联邦政府官员只要基于
怀疑就可以拘捕任何美国公民,而不再需要向任何法官出示证据并取得拘捕许可。政府
不需要提供任何证据,即可以中止任何一个美国公民的宪法权利。怀疑的理由可以是某
人曾经在过去和现在参加过某“可疑组织”。如果政府官员认为某人对“国家安全”构
成威胁,那么他们实际上将拥有不受约束的权力可以任意地对一个守法公民实施逮捕、
审讯和无限期羁押。该法案并且授权美国的陆海空三军可以在全球任何地方根据“国家
安全”需要拘捕任何美国公民,而不需要经过法律上的正当程序。
该法案一旦生效,被破坏的将不仅仅是美国宪法,而且是整个西方近代的司法传统
。文明世界法律的最基本的观念,就是不经指控不可以任意拘捕人民,不经审讯不可以
无限期地羁押被拘捕人。这些原则可以追溯到希腊罗马时代,自1215年英国《大宪章》
以后在英国普通法传统下得到进一步发展,在十八世纪的启蒙时代得到进一步推广。美
国宪法以及《人权法案》就是为了实践这些原则,并因而成为美国至高无上的法律。
在美国宪法产生以后的两个世纪的时间里,正是因为《独立宣言》和美国宪法赋予
了美国人民不可剥夺的自由权利,美国才得到了全世界人民的景仰。然而,自从九一一
事件以来,我们国家似乎受到了如此巨大的威胁,以至于我们国家的领导人情愿废弃我
们共和国赖以奠基的所有不可剥夺的权利。我们不得不扪心自问,我们是否还要作为一
个民主国家继续存在下去,是否还要为实现一切人的自由和正义而开疆辟土;或者,我
们情愿成为一个军警国家,一个民主制度已经被银行家的腐败和军国主义侵蚀殆尽的国
家。就像古希腊的斯巴达人那样,时时生活在战争的紧急状态之中?
早在九一一事件刚刚发生的头一个星期,美国国会就通过了《武装力量动用法》,
允许美国政府动用美国的一切军事力量打击“恐怖主义”。一个月后,即 2001年10月
26日,国会以压倒多数通过了《爱国者法》。根据该法案,联邦政府官员可以以某公民
参与了“不良组织”为理由对该公民实施起诉。这严重违反了美国宪法第一修正案关于
公民有自由结社权利的规定。《爱国者法》授权政府无限期拘禁“恐怖主义”嫌疑犯,
这又违反了宪法第四修正案禁止政府在没有理由的情况下搜查和拘捕公民的规定。
《爱国者法》授权政府可以不需要法官监督和许可,即可在任何时间获取任何公民
的个人资料、金融交易资料和医疗资料,从而实际上可以不受任何约束地监视任何人。
并且,政府在正常法律程序以外获得的证据,可以不必呈交给被告人的辩护律师。这就
在实际上取缔了宪法第十四修正案关于保护公民隐私权的规定。《爱国者法》还规定,
如果公民试图“通过胁迫和强迫”影响民众,则该公民的行为构成“国内恐怖主义”。
按照此项规定,联邦政府完全可以将占领华尔街运动定义为“国内恐怖主义”,并且在
没有法官监督的情况下,在宪法所规定的正当程序以外,以对付恐怖主义的办法来对付
占领华尔街运动。
在《爱国者法》通过两个星期以后,即2001年11月13日,布什总统发布一号军事命
令,授权美国行政部门和陆海空三军可以在全球任何地方对涉嫌恐怖主义活动的非美国
公民实施抓捕、绑架和羁押。这项命令规定,美国行政部门和陆海空三军在实施以上步
骤时,不需要任何证据。如果要对被抓捕者实施审判,则审判机关为军事法庭,而不是
民事法庭;为了获得证据,可以对被抓捕者使用刑讯逼供。一旦被定罪,罪犯将无权上
诉。
一年后,2002年11月25日,美国国会又通过了《国土安全法》。该法将美国境内外
的所有情报组织统一为一个在总统领导下的情报网络。根据该法,美国情报机关拥有完
全的自由可以收集美国境内任何人的任何信息,并且可以与盟国合作以收集世界上任何
地方任何人的任何信息。这就取消了美国在国内的和国外的情报部门之间传统上的区别。
2006年10月17日,国会又通过了《军事委任法》。该法实际上取消了国内外嫌犯的
人身保护权利,即必须限时将被拘留人送交法院处理,而不得未经指控对嫌犯实施无限
期羁押。根据该法,“任何人,如果帮助、教唆、劝导、指挥或努力于”为美国政府所
认定的恐怖主义组织提供实际帮助,“均在被惩处之列”。
同日,国会还通过了2007年度《国防授权法》。该法修改了1807年《起义法》和
1878年《民团法》。《起义法》和《民团法》禁止美国政府在美国境内使用军队采取针
对美国公民的行动。根据2007年度《国防授权法》,不仅美国政府为了反恐目的可以采
取针对美国公民的任何行动,而且还授权军队在美国境内为了反恐的目的实施作战行动。
所有这一切与2012年度的《国防授权法》一起,共同完成了美国由民主共和国变形
为一个军警国家的不流血政变。2012年《国防授权法》,是在埋葬宪法的棺材盖完全合
上以前敲上的最后一颗钉子。整个美国从此变成了一个大战场。在这个战场中,美国政
府和军队可以针对任何人–不管这个人在世界上的什么地方,也不管这个人是平民还是
敌方战斗人员–做他们想做的一切,而不受任何司法监督,也不受任何宪法约束。一旦
《国防授权法》生效,《人权法案》将不再保护美国公民不受政府的侵犯,宪法也将不
再是美国至高无上的法律。
附:相关英文报道 Why I Voted Against the National Defense Authorization
Act
Al Franken(U.S. Senator, Minnesota)
Yesterday, the Senate passed a bill that includes provisions on
detention that I found simply unacceptable. These provisions are
inconsistent with the liberties and freedoms that are at the core of the
system our Founders established. And while I did in fact vote for an earlier
version of the legislation, I did so with the hope that the final version
would be significantly improved. That didn't happen, and so I could not
support the final bill.
The bill that passed on Thursday included several problematic provisions
, the worst of which could allow the military to detain Americans
indefinitely, without charge or trial, even if they're captured in the U.S.
At their core, these provisions will radically alter how we investigate,
arrest, and detain individuals suspected of terrorism. What's more, they
could undermine the safety of our troops stationed abroad, and they
introduce new and unnecessary uncertainty into our counterterrorism efforts.
But before I get into the details of why I opposed these detainee
provisions, I think it is important to recognize that September 11th
irrevocably and unalterably changed our lives. I was in Minnesota that
terrible day. A number of Minnesotans died -- in the towers, in the air, and
at the Pentagon. In New York in the months following the attacks, I
attended the funerals of brave firefighters and law enforcement officers who
sacrificed their lives to help rescue Americans from the towers. I can't
shake those images from my mind, and I am guessing like many of you, I won't
ever be able to erase the horrors of September 11th from my head.
But it is exactly in these difficult moments, in these periods of war,
when our country is under attack, that we must be doubly vigilant about
protecting what makes us Americans.
The Founders who crafted our Constitution and Bill of Rights were
careful to draft a Constitution of limited powers -- one that would protect
Americans' liberty at all times -- both in war, and in peace.
As we reflect on what this bill will do, I think it is important to
pause and remember some of the mistakes this country has made when we have
been fearful of enemy attack.
Most notably, we made a grave, indefensible mistake during World War II,
when President Roosevelt ordered the incarceration of more than 110,000
people of Japanese origin, as well as approximately 11,000 German-Americans
and 3,000 Italian-Americans.
In 1971, President Richard Nixon signed into law the Non-Detention Act
to make sure the U.S. government would never again subject any Americans to
the unnecessary and unjustifiable imprisonment that so many Japanese-
Americans, German-Americans, and Italian-Americans had to endure. It wasn't
until 1988, 46 years after the internment, when President Reagan signed the
Civil Liberties Act, that the government formally acknowledged and
apologized for the grave injustice that was done to citizens and permanent
residents of Japanese ancestry.
These were dark, dark periods in American history. And it is easy today
to think that is all behind us.
But I fear the detention provisions in the bill forget the lessons we
learned from the mistakes we made when we interned thousands of innocent
Japanese, Germans, and Italians.
With this defense authorization act, Congress will, for the first time
in 60 years, authorize the indefinite detention of U.S. citizens without
charge or trial, according to its advocates. This would be the first time
that Congress has deviated from President Nixon's Non-Detention Act. And
what we are talking about here is that Americans could be subjected to life
imprisonment without ever being charged, tried, or convicted of a crime,
without ever having an opportunity to prove their innocence to a judge or a
jury of their peers. And without the government ever having to prove their
guilt beyond a reasonable doubt.
I think that denigrates the very foundations of this country. It
denigrates the Bill of Rights. It denigrates what our Founders intended when
they created a civilian, non-military justice system for trying and
punishing people for crimes committed on U.S. soil. Our Founders were
fearful of the military--and they purposely created a system of checks and
balances to ensure we did not become a country under military rule. This
bill undermines that core principle, which is why I could not support it.
Yesterday was the anniversary of the ratification of the Bill of Rights,
and this wasn't the way to mark its birthday. | i*****g 发帖数: 2564 | 2 You can still have it appeal to Supreme Court and have it declared
unconstitutional.
Passing it into law is not the end game in America. | a*o 发帖数: 25262 | 3 以前有个人说,美国宪法规定不能征收个人收入税。写了封信到 IRS,过了几天被 FBI
请去了说话。。。LOL。。 |
|