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发帖数: 43471 | 1 【 以下文字转载自 Stock 讨论区 】
发信人: daemonself (新晋川黑黑，前川粉，前mit行为艺术专业博士后导师), 信区: Stock
标 题: 太上皇亲自出场倒习
发信站: BBS 未名空间站 (Sun Aug 15 12:33:53 2021, 美东)
看看新冠溯源放毒说已经定稿了 | d********f
发帖数: 43471 | 2 索罗斯：习近平的独裁统治威胁着全体中国人
2021-08-14
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索罗斯：习近平的独裁统治威胁着全体中国人
2021 年 7 月 1 日，习近平在北京天安门举行庆祝中国共产党成立 100 周年的仪式上
发表讲话。
（美联社）
美国华尔街日报8月13日刊出署名乔治-索罗斯（George Soros）的文章，题目是，“习
近平的独裁统治威胁着中国国家”。该文说，习近平在追求个人权力的过程中，拒绝了
邓小平的经济改革道路，并将共产党变成了一个"唯唯诺诺"的集合体。
乔治-索罗斯说，习近平是中国的统治者，而他的多个内部不能“自洽”的矛盾，大大
降低了其领导的凝聚力和有效性。他的信仰和他的行动之间存在冲突，他想让中国成为
超级大国的公开宣布和他作为国家领导人的行为之间存在着冲突。他内部的这些自相矛
盾，在美国和中国之间冲突不断的背景下显现出来。
乔治-索罗斯说，这一冲突的核心是中美两国所代表的截然相反的治理体系。美国代表
的是一个民主、开放的社会，美国政府的作用是保护个人的自由。
而习近平先生则认为，毛泽东发明了一种优越的组织形式，而他要将其延续下去：那是
一个封闭的极权主义社会，在这个社会里，个人从属于一党制国家。他认为，这样的社
会是优越的，因为它更有纪律性，更强大，因此更有可能在冲突中获胜。
曾有“金融大鳄”之称的索罗斯说，中美之间的关系正在迅速恶化，并可能导致战争。
习近平先生已经明确表示，他打算在未来10年内占有台湾，并且，他正在相应地提高中
国的军事能力。
不过，习近平在2022年还面临着一个重要的国内障碍：他想打破既定的继承制度，改成
终身任职。他觉得自己至少还需要10年的时间，才能将一党制国家及其军队的权力集中
在自己手中。他知道自己的计划有很多敌人反对，他要确保这些反对者没有能力抵制他。
在这种背景下，目前金融市场的动荡正在展开，让许多人措手不及，感到困惑。这种混
乱加剧了动荡。
提到: 】
【在 d********f 的大作中提到】
: 【 以下文字转载自 Stock 讨论区 】
: 发信人: daemonself (新晋川黑黑，前川粉，前mit行为艺术专业博士后导师), 信区: Stock
: 标 题: 太上皇亲自出场倒习
: 发信站: BBS 未名空间站 (Sun Aug 15 12:33:53 2021, 美东)
: 看看新冠溯源放毒说已经定稿了
| d********f
发帖数: 43471 | 3 Xi’s Dictatorship Threatens the Chinese State
Xi’s Dictatorship Threatens the Chinese State
In his quest for personal power, he’s rejected Deng Xiaoping’s economic
reform path and turned the Communist Party into an assemblage of yes-men.
By George Soros
Aug. 13, 2021 5:12 pm ET
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Chinese President Xi Jinping at a ceremony marking the 100th anniversary of
the Chinese Communist Party’s founding in Beijing, July 1.
PHOTO: JU PENG/XINHUA VIA ZUMA PRESS
Xi Jinping, the ruler of China, suffers from several internal
inconsistencies which greatly reduce the cohesion and effectiveness of his
leadership. There is a conflict between his beliefs and his actions and
between his public declarations of wanting to make China a superpower and
his behavior as a domestic ruler. These internal contradictions have
revealed themselves in the context of the growing conflict between the U.S.
and China.
At the heart of this conflict is the reality that the two nations represent
systems of governance that are diametrically opposed. The U.S. stands for a
democratic, open society in which the role of the government is to protect
the freedom of the individual. Mr. Xi believes Mao Zedong invented a
superior form of organization, which he is carrying on: a totalitarian
closed society in which the individual is subordinated to the one-party
state. It is superior, in this view, because it is more disciplined,
stronger and therefore bound to prevail in a contest.
Relations between China and the U.S. are rapidly deteriorating and may lead
to war. Mr. Xi has made clear that he intends to take possession of Taiwan
within the next decade, and he is increasing China’s military capacity
accordingly.
He also faces an important domestic hurdle in 2022, when he intends to break
the established system of succession to remain president for life. He feels
that he needs at least another decade to concentrate the power of the one-
party state and its military in his own hands. He knows that his plan has
many enemies, and he wants to make sure they won’t have the ability to
resist him.
It is against this background that the current turmoil in the financial
markets is unfolding, catching many people unaware and leaving them confused
. The confusion has compounded the turmoil.
Although I am no longer engaged in the financial markets, I used to be an
active participant. I have also been actively engaged in China since 1984,
when I introduced Communist Party reformers in China to their counterparts
in my native Hungary. They learned a lot from each other, and I followed up
by setting up foundations in both countries. That was the beginning of my
career in what I call political philanthropy. My foundation in China was
unique in being granted near-total independence. I closed it in 1989, after
I learned it had come under the control of the Chinese government and just
before the Tiananmen Square massacre. I resumed my active involvement in
China in 2013 when Mr. Xi became the ruler, but this time as an outspoken
opponent of what has since become a totalitarian regime.
I consider Mr. Xi the most dangerous enemy of open societies in the world.
The Chinese people as a whole are among his victims, but domestic political
opponents and religious and ethnic minorities suffer from his persecution
much more. I find it particularly disturbing that so many Chinese people
seem to find his social-credit surveillance system not only tolerable but
attractive. It provides them social services free of charge and tells them
how to stay out of trouble by not saying anything critical of Mr. Xi or his
regime. If he could perfect the social-credit system and assure a steadily
rising standard of living, his regime would become much more secure. But he
is bound to run into difficulties on both counts.
To understand why, some historical background is necessary. Mr. Xi came to
power in 2013, but he was the beneficiary of the bold reform agenda of his
predecessor Deng Xiaoping, who had a very different concept of China’s
place in the world. Deng realized that the West was much more developed and
China had much to learn from it. Far from being diametrically opposed to the
Western-dominated global system, Deng wanted China to rise within it. His
approach worked wonders. China was accepted as a member of the World Trade
Organization in 2001 with the privileges that come with the status of a less
-developed country. China embarked on a period of unprecedented growth. It
even dealt with the global financial crisis of 2007-08 better than the
developed world.
Mr. Xi failed to understand how Deng achieved his success. He took it as a
given and exploited it, but he harbored an intense personal resentment
against Deng. He held Deng Xiaoping responsible for not honoring his father,
Xi Zhongxun, and for removing the elder Xi from the Politburo in 1962. As a
result, Xi Jinping grew up in the countryside in very difficult
circumstances. He didn’t receive a proper education, never went abroad, and
never learned a foreign language.
Xi Jinping devoted his life to undoing Deng’s influence on the development
of China. His personal animosity toward Deng has played a large part in this
, but other factors are equally important. He is intensely nationalistic and
he wants China to become the dominant power in the world. He is also
convinced that the Chinese Communist Party needs to be a Leninist party,
willing to use its political and military power to impose its will. Xi
Jinping strongly felt this was necessary to ensure that the Chinese
Communist Party will be strong enough to impose the sacrifices needed to
achieve his goal.
Mr. Xi realized that he needs to remain the undisputed ruler to accomplish
what he considers his life’s mission. He doesn’t know how the financial
markets operate, but he has a clear idea of what he has to do in 2022 to
stay in power. He intends to overstep the term limits established by Deng,
which governed the succession of Mr. Xi’s two predecessors, Hu Jintao and
Jiang Zemin. Because many of the political class and business elite are
liable to oppose Mr. Xi, he must prevent them from uniting against him. Thus
, his first task is to bring to heel anyone who is rich enough to exercise
independent power.
That process has been unfolding in the past year and reached a crescendo in
recent weeks. It started with the sudden cancellation of a new issue by
Alibaba’s Ant Group in November 2020 and the temporary disappearance of its
former executive chairman, Jack Ma. Then came the disciplinary measures
taken against Didi Chuxing after it floated an issue in New York in June
2021. It culminated with the banishment of three U.S.-financed tutoring
companies, which had a much greater effect on international markets than Mr.
Xi expected. Chinese financial authorities have tried to reassure markets
but with little success.
Mr. Xi is engaged in a systematic campaign to remove or neutralize people
who have amassed a fortune. His latest victim is Sun Dawu, a billionaire pig
farmer. Mr. Sun has been sentenced to 18 years in prison and persuaded to
“donate” the bulk of his wealth to charity.
This campaign threatens to destroy the geese that lay the golden eggs. Mr.
Xi is determined to bring the creators of wealth under the control of the
one-party state. He has reintroduced a dual-management structure into large
privately owned companies that had largely lapsed during the reform era of
Deng. Now private and state-owned companies are being run not only by their
management but also a party representative who ranks higher than the company
president. This creates a perverse incentive not to innovate but to await
instructions from higher authorities.
China’s largest, highly leveraged real-estate company, Evergrande, has
recently run into difficulties servicing its debt. The real-estate market,
which has been a driver of the economic recovery, is in disarray. The
authorities have always been flexible enough to deal with any crisis, but
they are losing their flexibility. To illustrate, a state-owned company
produced a Covid-19 vaccine, Sinopharm, which has been widely exported all
over the world, but its performance is inferior to all other widely marketed
vaccines. Sinopharm won’t win any friends for China.
To prevail in 2022, Mr. Xi has turned himself into a dictator. Instead of
allowing the party to tell him what policies to adopt, he dictates the
policies he wants it to follow. State media is now broadcasting a stunning
scene in which Mr. Xi leads the Standing Committee of the Politburo in
slavishly repeating after him an oath of loyalty to the party and to him
personally. This must be a humiliating experience, and it is liable to turn
against Mr. Xi even those who had previously accepted him.
In other words, he has turned them into his own yes-men, abolishing the
legacy of Deng’s consensual rule. With Mr. Xi there is little room for
checks and balances. He will find it difficult to adjust his policies to a
changing reality, because he rules by intimidation. His underlings are
afraid to tell him how reality has changed for fear of triggering his anger.
This dynamic endangers the future of China’s one-party state.
提到: 】
【在 d********f 的大作中提到】
: 索罗斯：习近平的独裁统治威胁着全体中国人
: 2021-08-14
: Email storyComment on this storySharePrint story
: 打印分享评论电邮本文
: 索罗斯：习近平的独裁统治威胁着全体中国人
: 2021 年 7 月 1 日，习近平在北京天安门举行庆祝中国共产党成立 100 周年的仪式上
: 发表讲话。
: （美联社）
: 美国华尔街日报8月13日刊出署名乔治-索罗斯（George Soros）的文章，题目是，“习
: 近平的独裁统治威胁着中国国家”。该文说，习近平在追求个人权力的过程中，拒绝了
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