M****o
发帖数: 7045 | 1 这一段开头满难，我先翻了后面几段，xq先看看：
If we apply this strand of thinking to the situation at FC Barcelona in the
aftermath of the fall of the Primo de Rivera regime, then the club takes on
greater political significance. While the club itself may not have been
founded along political lines, it originally defined itself as “apolitical
but always prepared to stand up for the human rights of Catalans” (Burns:
1999, p.100), but the individuals guiding it seemed to behave in an
increasingly politically aware fashion during the late 1920s and early 1930s.
如果我们 循着这一思路考虑巴萨在里维拉政权倒台后的处境，就会发现俱乐部的政治
意义更为明显。俱乐部本身也许并不是建构在政治体系上的，它起初是这样定义自己的
：“无意政治但时刻准备捍卫加泰罗尼亚人权”（Burns: 1999, p.100），然而在1920
年代晚期和1930年代早期，引导这一定义的个体们却表现得越来越关心政治。
Clearly, being outside of the formal Spanish political administration, the
club cannot be considered an organ of government and therefore does not fit
with orthodox expectations of political institutions (Hague & Harrop: 1982,
p.82), but Sunyol used it as a platform to oppose conservative Catalanism (
Burns: 1999, p.101) and so caused the club to enter the Catalan political
discourse of the time. Strictly speaking this does not make FC Barcelona a
political institution, but I believe that during this period in its history
it can be labelled as an organisation of a particular political stance which
exerted a significant influence on the political debate of the time.
很明显，游离于西班牙官方行政机构之外的俱乐部，并不能被看作是政府职能机关，因
此并不合乎政治机构的传统期望（Hague & Harrop: 1982, p.82），然而桑约尔却将俱
乐部作为反对保守加泰罗尼亚民族主义的平台（Burns: 1999, p.101），使得巴萨参与
了当时加泰罗尼亚的政治对话。严格说来这并不能使巴萨成为政治机构，但我相信在其
历史上，这一时期的巴萨可被称为有特殊政治立场的组织，它显著影响了当时的政治争
论。
Indeed, it was whilst en route to a political meeting that Josep Sunyol met
his death (Burns: 1999, p.108) in what could arguably be held to be the most
politically significant moment in the history of FC Barcelona. Shot dead in
a car displaying the Catalan flag as he drove through a mountain region
controlled by Falangist troops on 6th August 1936, Sunyol’s execution was
an event which David Goldblatt (2006, p.302) believes saw the connections
between the football club and political Catalanism strengthen yet further.
事实上，桑约尔是在前往一次政治集会的途中遇刺的（Burns: 1999, p.108），这也许
可被视作巴萨史上最具政治意味的时刻。1936年8月6日，坐车途经长枪党军队控制的山
区的桑约尔，被射杀在插有加泰罗尼亚旗的车内。戴维. 戈德布拉特（2006, p.32）认
为桑约尔遇刺事件进一步证实了足球俱乐部与政治上的加泰罗尼亚民族主义之间的关联。
As the official history of the club itself claims, Sunyol was the ‘martyr
president’ (FC Barcelona: 2011) and a figure now seen as the primary
casualty of the club’s politics, whether those views had emanated from it
or been projected onto it from outside. While Sunyol’s execution doesn’t
draw FC Barcelona any closer to an orthodox definition of a political
institution, at the conclusion of the Civil War the Franco regime issued a
statement which revealed that it clearly saw the club as a centre for
political activities. “For a time [Sunyol] was president of Barcelona
football club, and was responsible for the clear anti-Spanish line which the
club adopted” (Burns: 1999, p.110-111).
正如俱乐部官方历史所称，无论俱乐部内外，都将桑约尔视为“烈士主席”（FC
Barcelona: 2011），俱乐部政治运动的首位遇难者。尽管桑约尔的遇刺并不能使巴萨
更接近于政治机构的传统定义，然而在对内战的总结中，佛朗哥政权发布了一份声明，
这份声明明显视巴萨为政治活动之中枢。“一定时期内（桑约尔）是巴塞罗那足球俱乐
部的主席，并且要为俱乐部的反西班牙路线负责”（Burns: 1999, p.110-111）。
Sunyol’s murder has been said to be the event which defined FC Barcelona as
the socio-political vehicle it is today. As Phil Ball (2003: p.99) has
written, “Sunyol’s death is now seen as the truly defining moment of the
club, the desecration of an ideology in bud, of cultural separatism,
independence, the right to autonomy. It proved that even then, Barça
was more than a club, and this sense of historical continuity affords some
comfort to the current bearers of the flag.”
桑约尔被害已被视作使得巴萨成为今时今日社会-政治媒介之事件。正如菲尔. 鲍尔所
写（2003: p.99）， “如今看来，桑约尔之死的确是巴萨的决定性时刻，是对处于萌
芽期的意识形态，以及文化分离主义，独立，和自治权的亵渎。这说明即使在当时，巴
萨也不仅仅是一所足球俱乐部，而这种历史延续性使得那些如今仍旧肩负社会-政治大
旗的人们略感放松。” | S********0
发帖数: 5749 | 2 这个网站主要是干嘛的啊， 专业足球新闻翻译网站？ | M****o
发帖数: 7045 | 3 顺便抱怨哈，文科生写论文不严谨啊。。。满篇的“i believe...i beliebe“，wk，
老子还belive上帝呢。。。。ft | M****o
发帖数: 7045 | 4 xq资助的业余翻译网站。。。。
【在 S********0 的大作中提到】
: 这个网站主要是干嘛的啊， 专业足球新闻翻译网站？
| S********0
发帖数: 5749 | 5
恩，不错。
【在 M****o 的大作中提到】
: xq资助的业余翻译网站。。。。
| c******a
发帖数: 6951 | 6 这论文看着不像能毕业的呀，搁美国
【在 M****o 的大作中提到】
: 顺便抱怨哈，文科生写论文不严谨啊。。。满篇的“i believe...i beliebe“，wk，
: 老子还belive上帝呢。。。。ft
| M****o
发帖数: 7045 | 7 94说啊，内容我就不多挑了，单看他literature review就不过关，整篇没引几篇文献
，主要的还就是引那个burns一个人的。。。。
wk，这是不是高中生写的report之类的啊？？？？？
【在 c******a 的大作中提到】
: 这论文看着不像能毕业的呀，搁美国
| M****o
发帖数: 7045 | 8 前面的几段翻好了，这样part2-2就成了：
2-2 FC Barcelona and Civil War
2-2 巴萨和西班牙内战
As John Hargreaves (2000: p.12) has written, sport functions as a point of
coherence for national movements to the extent that it is central to the
culture, or can be made so by a nationalist movement.
正如约翰.哈格里夫所写（2000: p.12），体育运动在某种程度上与民族运动是一致的
，甚至是民族文化的中枢，抑或是被民族主义运动推举至此种地位。
Although not constitutionally mandated as the vast majority of political
institutions are (Hague & Harrop: 1982, p.86), Sunyol had been elected to
the new parliament in Madrid in 1931 (Primo de Rivera had fallen in January
1930) as a member of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, a new party of the
Catalan left (Burns: 1999, p.100). With other board members having strong
associations with Catalonia’s other major party, the Lliga Regionalista (
Burns: 1999, p.100), the club’s hierarchy had made its political position
explicitly clear.
尽管未曾在多数党的政治机构中任职（Hague & Harrop: 1982, p.86），作为加泰罗尼
亚左翼新政党——加泰罗尼亚左翼共和党员的桑约尔，于1931年入选马德里新议会（里
维拉已于1930年1月下台）（Burns: 1999, p.100）。 和其他与加泰罗尼亚主要政党—
—区域者联盟有紧密关系的董事会成员一起，奠定了巴萨明确无误的政治地位。
I believe it can be argued that this arrangement at board level fits with
the behaviouralist approach to the theory of political institutions, the
central tenet of which being that institutions are borne out of individuals
rather than the systems of which they are a part (Hague & Harrop: 1982, p.87
-88). As Heinz Eulau (1986: p.19) writes, “The root is man. I do not think
it is possible to say anything meaningful about the governance of man
without talking about the political behaviour of man.”
我相信从董事会构成层面来考察俱乐部是否是政治机构会引发行为学家的争议，他们的
核心观点是判断一个机构是否属于政治机构，应依据其成员个体之行为，而不是依据此
机构本身（Hague & Harrop: 1982, p.87-88）。海因茨.尤劳（1986: p.19）指出，“
人为本。空谈治人而不提人本身之政治作为是匪夷所思，毫无意义的。”
Within the behavioural tradition institutions are analysed in a unique
fashion, the study of formal aspects of institutions being largely
disregarded in order to analyse the social backgrounds of their members and
the ways in which they are able to reshape the institution itself (Hague &
Harrop: 1982, p.87-88). Dealing with the subject of why people behave in the
way they do, behaviouralists make observable behaviour the key unit of
analysis (Marsh & Stoker: 1995, p.45) and so any definition of exactly what
constitutes a ‘political’ institution is broader and related to
individualistic and social factors more than conventional descriptions.
传统行为学对机构的分析过于单一，而忽视了对机构多层面的研究，因而无法详解机构
成员的社会背景及成员以何种方式对机构本身进行重塑（Hague & Harrop: 1982, p.87
-88）。以研究个体何以具备特定行为为目标，行为学家将可见行为作为关键单位（
Marsh & Stoker: 1995, p.45）， 从而拓展了“政治”机构组分的定义，相较于传统
定义，更多的与个体和社会因素联系起来。
【在 M****o 的大作中提到】
: 这一段开头满难，我先翻了后面几段，xq先看看：
: If we apply this strand of thinking to the situation at FC Barcelona in the
: aftermath of the fall of the Primo de Rivera regime, then the club takes on
: greater political significance. While the club itself may not have been
: founded along political lines, it originally defined itself as “apolitical
: but always prepared to stand up for the human rights of Catalans” (Burns:
: 1999, p.100), but the individuals guiding it seemed to behave in an
: increasingly politically aware fashion during the late 1920s and early 1930s.
: 如果我们 循着这一思路考虑巴萨在里维拉政权倒台后的处境，就会发现俱乐部的政治
: 意义更为明显。俱乐部本身也许并不是建构在政治体系上的，它起初是这样定义自己的
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